Breaking Down the CPC Designation: How Government Appeasement of Terrorists Led to International Sanction

By Steven Kefas

Yesterday, the United States designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for severe violations of religious freedom, a long-overdue recognition of the systematic persecution of Christians and other vulnerable communities that has claimed tens of thousands of lives over the past two decades. This designation didn’t emerge from vacuum; it reflects years of documented evidence, mounting international pressure, and most critically, the lack of political will by successive Nigerian governments to confront the Fulani jihadist insurgency decimating indigenous communities across the Middle Belt and beyond.

Understanding the CPC Designation

A Country of Particular Concern designation under the International Religious Freedom Act represents one of the most serious diplomatic rebukes the United States can issue. It signals that a government has either engaged in or tolerated systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom. For Nigeria, this designation specifically addresses the government’s failure to prevent, investigate, or prosecute mass atrocities against Christian communities, particularly those carried out by armed Fulani militia groups operating with apparent impunity across multiple states.

The designation comes with potential consequences including sanctions, travel restrictions on government officials, and limitations on security assistance. More significantly, it places Nigeria alongside countries like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea on a list of the world’s worst violators of religious freedom, a devastating blow to Nigeria’s international reputation and a clear message that the world is no longer willing to ignore the bloodshed.

The Fulani Jihadist Insurgency: An Unacknowledged Genocide

For over two decades, armed Fulani militia groups have waged a systematic campaign of violence against predominantly Christian farming communities across Nigeria’s Middle Belt states including Plateau, Niger, Kwara, Kogi, Benue, Taraba, Adamawa, and Southern Kaduna. These attacks follow predictable patterns: midnight raids on sleeping villages, mass shootings, burning of homes and churches, destruction of farmland, kidnapping for ransom, and forced displacement of entire communities from their ancestral lands.

The Nigerian government and many media outlets have persistently characterized this violence as “farmer-herder clashes” driven by competition over land and water resources, a narrative that deliberately obscures the religious and ethnic dimensions of these attacks. This framing ignores overwhelming evidence that these are coordinated military-style operations targeting Christian communities specifically, not spontaneous conflicts between economic groups. Survivors consistently report attackers shouting “Allahu Akbar” during raids, specifically targetingChristian farming communities.

International organizations including Genocide Watch, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), and Open Doors have repeatedly warned that the violence against Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt exhibits markers of genocide according to the UN Convention on Genocide. Yet the Nigerian government continues to downplay the religious dimensions, refuses to designate perpetrating groups as terrorists, and has failed to arrest or prosecute those responsible for these atrocities despite thousands of documented attacks.

The Paradox of Invisible Terrorists

During my own incarceration in Kaduna Custodial Center (prison), in the very heart of the region most affected by Fulani terrorist violence, I made a disturbing observation: despite thousands of documented attacks, mass killings, and the displacement of millions, I never encountered a single Fulani terrorist among the prison population. The prisons were filled with common criminals, political detainees, and individuals accused of various offenses, but conspicuously absent were members of the armed groups terrorizing communities just kilometers away from the prison walls.

This glaring absence raises fundamental questions about the Nigerian government’s commitment to justice and accountability. If Fulani militias are genuinely criminal groups operating outside state control, why aren’t security forces arresting them? If they’re terrorists threatening national security, why aren’t they being prosecuted? The most troubling explanation is that these groups operate with official protection or at minimum, deliberate tolerance from elements within Nigeria’s security architecture.

Multiple credible reports document security forces arriving hours after attacks despite communities alerting authorities during ongoing raids, refusing to pursue fleeing attackers, and in some cases, actively preventing communities from defending themselves. Some survivors report security personnel withdrawing from areas just before attacks occur, suggesting foreknowledge if not coordination. This pattern of complicity extends to the judicial system, where rare arrests of suspected Fulani militants typically result in quiet releases without prosecution.

The Nuhu Ribadu Problem: Peace Deals That Embolden Terrorists

At the center of Nigeria’s failed counterterrorism strategy sits National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, whose approach to the Fulani jihadist insurgency has been characterized by appeasement rather than confrontation. Ribadu has allegedly championed “peace deals” with armed Fulani groups in the North West that require no genuine disarmament, demand no accountability for past atrocities, and impose no meaningful conditions on participants.

Most disturbingly, these peace meetings have become theatrical displays where armed terrorists attend openly carrying weapons, not as surrendered arms but as symbols of their continued power. Rather than being disarmed and arrested, these individuals are feted, given platforms to air grievances, and often provided government resources ostensibly for “rehabilitation” that never materializes into genuine transformation. The message sent is clear: terrorism pays, and the Nigerian state will negotiate with you while you remain armed and dangerous.

This approach represents a fundamental misunderstanding of counterinsurgency principles. Genuine peace processes require that armed groups demonstrate commitment to peace through verifiable disarmament, cessation of violence, and accountability for past crimes. Ribadu’s peace deals offer none of these, instead legitimizing terrorist groups as stakeholders in governance while their victims remain displaced, traumatized, and vulnerable to renewed attacks.

For communities that have lost thousands of family members, seen their villages burned repeatedly, and remain displaced years after initial attacks, these peace deals represent a betrayal. They watch their attackers attend government-sponsored meetings with full military regalia while they languish in IDP camps with no justice, no compensation, and no protection against future violence. This is not peace; it is surrender disguised as reconciliation.

The Controversial Defense Appointment: Signaling Priorities

The Tinubu administration’s appointment of former Zamfara State Governor Bello Matawalle Minister of State for Defence sends a chilling message about the government’s priorities regarding the Fulani jihadist insurgency. Matawalle’s tenure as Zamfara governor was marked by controversial policies toward armed bandits and terrorists operating in the state, including peace deals that critics argue emboldened rather than deterred violence.

Under Matawalle’s governorship, Zamfara became infamous for its approach of negotiating with terrorists while often taking harsh measures against communities advocating for self-defense. His administration faced accusations of sympathizing with armed groups while failing to protect vulnerable populations. Now elevated to a key defense position at the federal level, Matawalle’s appointment suggests either profound tone-deafness about the optics of placing a terrorist sympathizer in charge of national defense, or a deliberate signal that the government’s appeasement approach will continue.

This appointment is particularly offensive to Christian communities in the Middle Belt who have borne the brunt of Fulani terrorist violence. It communicates that their concerns about religious persecution are not taken seriously, that their calls for justice fall on deaf ears, and that those who accommodate terrorists are rewarded with higher office while their victims remain forgotten.

The Broader Context: Why Accountability Matters

The lack of accountability for religious persecution in Nigeria extends beyond the Fulani insurgency, though that remains the deadliest manifestation. It includes the Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgencies in the Northeast that have killed tens of thousands and displaced millions, primarily targeting Christians and moderate Muslims. It encompasses discriminatory Sharia law implementation in Northern states that criminalizes Christian evangelism while permitting Islamic proselytization. It involves systematic discrimination in government appointments, educational opportunities, and economic development that favors Muslims over Christians in Northern states.

This pattern of impunity has convinced perpetrators that targeting Christians carries no consequences. When terrorist commanders remain free after documented massacres, when government officials who facilitate violence face no sanctions, when security forces who fail to protect vulnerable communities receive no discipline, the message is clear: Christian lives don’t matter in Nigeria’s calculus of power.

The CPC designation represents the international community finally saying: we see what you’re doing, we will no longer accept your excuses, and there will be consequences for continued inaction. This is not interference in Nigeria’s internal affairs; it is a response to a government’s failure to protect its own citizens and uphold its obligations under international human rights law.

What Must Change: A Roadmap for Action

For Nigeria to address the concerns underlying the CPC designation and genuinely protect religious freedom, several immediate actions are necessary:

First, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu must be removed and replaced with a competent, no-nonsense security official committed to crushing jihadist insurgencies rather than accommodating them.

The current appeasement approach has demonstrably failed, emboldening terrorists while failing to provide security for vulnerable communities. Nigeria needs security leadership that understands counterterrorism, respects human rights, and prioritizes protection of all citizens regardless of religious identity.

Second, armed Fulani militia groups must be officially designated as terrorist organizations and prosecuted accordingly.

The fiction that these are mere “herders” involved in resource conflicts must end. These are organized armed groups conducting systematic attacks on civilian populations with religious and ethnic motivations. They must be treated as the terrorists they are, with full application of Nigeria’s terrorism laws including arrests, prosecutions, and asset freezures.

Third, a comprehensive program of arrests and prosecutions of terrorist commanders must be implemented immediately.

Years of documented attacks have produced extensive evidence aboutsponsors, operational patterns, and specific perpetrators. This evidence must be acted upon with coordinated operations to arrest sponsors, dismantle networks, and bring perpetrators before courts. This requires political will from the highest levels of government to overcome resistance from those who benefit from the status quo.

Fourth, the appointment of controversial figures like Bello Matawalle to key security positions must be reversed.

These appointments signal that the government is not serious about confronting religious persecution. Replacing such officials with individuals who have demonstrated commitment to protecting all Nigerians regardless of religious identity is essential for restoring confidence in government intentions.

Fifth, a comprehensive program of justice and reparations for victims must be established.

Millions of displaced persons need pathways to return home safely, rebuild destroyed communities, and receive compensation for losses. Survivors of attacks need access to trauma counseling and medical care. Communities need assurance that their security will be prioritized and that future attacks will be prevented.

The Trump Factor: Why This Time Is Different

While I sympathize with President Tinubu’s administration, which inherited these problems when taking office just two years ago, the reality is that the lack of political will to confront Fulani jihadists predates his presidency and continues under his watch. Previous U.S. administrations issued strongly worded statements about religious persecution in Nigeria but took limited concrete action. The Trump administration has demonstrated willingness to move beyond rhetoric to consequences, as evidenced by the CPC designation.

This represents a potential turning point. Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States has signaled that the days of endless massacre of Christians without accountability are over. The CPC designation is likely just the beginning, with targeted sanctions, visa restrictions, and other measures potentially forthcoming if Nigeria fails to demonstrate genuine progress on protecting religious freedom.

For Nigerian officials who have operated with impunity while facilitating or tolerating religious persecution, this should serve as a wake-up call. The world is watching, documentation is being compiled, and accountability mechanisms are being activated. The comfortable assumption that international outrage will never translate into consequences is no longer valid.

A Message to the Nigerian Government

You have lied to the world about the nature of violence against Christians in Nigeria, characterizing genocide as “farmer-herder clashes” and systematic religious persecution as resource competition. You have protected perpetrators while abandoning victims. You have appointed terrorist sympathizers to defense positions while imprisoning those who dare to defend themselves. You have negotiated with armed terrorists while refusing justice to their victims.

The world is watching, and your lies are no longer accepted. The CPC designation is deserved, and more actions will follow if you continue on this path. It is time to act and act very fast. Crush the jihadists, protect the lives of Christians and other vulnerable communities, demonstrate through concrete actions rather than empty rhetoric that you are committed to religious freedom, and the USA will undesignate Nigeria with immediate alacrity.

The choice is yours: continue the current path of appeasement and complicity and face increasing international isolation and consequences, or demonstrate genuine political will to confront religious persecution and restore Nigeria’s standing in the community of nations that respect human rights.

Conclusion: Hope Amidst Darkness

Despite the grim realities documented above, there is reason for cautious hope. The CPC designation represents international recognition that has eluded victims of religious persecution in Nigeria for decades. It validates their suffering, acknowledges their testimonies, and signals that they have not been forgotten by the wider world.

For those of us who have documented these atrocities, advocated for victims, and refused to accept official narratives that obscure the truth, this designation represents vindication. Our work has not been in vain. The evidence we have compiled, the testimonies we have preserved, and the advocacy we have undertaken has finally broken through the wall of denial and reached decision-makers willing to act.

The question now is whether the Nigerian government will respond with genuine reform or with defiance and denial. The path forward is clear: accountability, justice, protection, and genuine commitment to religious freedom for all Nigerians. Whether Nigeria’s leadership has the wisdom and courage to take this path remains to be seen, but one thing is certain—the world is watching, and the days of impunity are numbered.

…Steven Kefas is an investigative journalist, Senior Research Analyst at the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa, and Publisher of Middle Belt Times. He has documented religious persecution and forced displacement in Nigeria’s Middle Belt for over a decade

The Numbers CAN Won’t Face: How Nigeria’s Leading Christian Body Became an Apologist for Targeted Violence

By Zariyi Yusuf

When Abimbola Ayuba, Director of National Issues and Social Welfare for the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), dismissed foreign concerns about Christian persecution with the assurance that “bullets don’t look for a Christian or spare a Muslim,” he may have expected his words to calm international alarm. Instead, he revealed something far more troubling: Nigeria’s premier Christian organization has become an unwitting or perhaps willing accomplice in obscuring one of the most systematic campaigns of religious violence in modern African history.

The numbers tell a different story. A devastating story. A story that CAN, for reasons that demand urgent scrutiny, refuses to tell.

That story comes from an exhaustive four-year study by the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa (ORFA), an independent research organization dedicated to documenting religious persecution across the continent. Their meticulous data collection, available at www.orfa.africa, tracked every recorded incident of violence in Nigeria’s conflict zones from October 2019 to September 2023. What they found doesn’t just challenge CAN’s narrative, it exposes it as fundamentally dishonest.

And the crisis is ongoing. ORFA is currently preparing to release a comprehensive six-year report covering October 2019 to September 2025.

The Mathematics of Denial

The ORFA report’s findings don’t just contradict CAN’s position, they obliterate it.

Of 30,880 civilians killed during this period, 22,361 were Christians and 8,314 were Muslims. At first glance, this 2.7 to 1 ratio might seem to support CAN’s narrative of generalized violence. But this surface-level analysis commits a fatal error: it ignores population distribution.

When ORFA researchers adjusted for the relative sizes of Christian and Muslim populations in affected states, the only mathematically honest way to assess targeting, the ratio exploded to 6.5 to 1. Christians are not just more likely to die; they are six and a half times more likely to be killed than their Muslim neighbors, according to ORFA’s population-adjusted analysis in the reporting period.

For abductions, the story is equally grim. Of 21,532 civilians kidnapped, 11,185 were Christians and 7,899 were Muslims. The proportional ratio? 5.1 to 1. Christians are five times more likely to be dragged from their homes, held for ransom, or to disappear entirely.

When Ayuba insists that bullets “don’t look for a Christian,” the mathematics respond with a simple, brutal truth: Yes, they do. And they find Christians with deadly, disproportionate accuracy.

The Perpetrators CAN Won’t Name

Perhaps the most damning revelation in the ORFA data concerns not the victims, but the killers, and CAN’s careful avoidance of naming them.

When most Nigerians and international observers think of terrorism in Nigeria, they think of Boko Haram and ISWAP. The government encourages this focus. Even foreign critics like Bill Maher center their accusations on “Islamists” and “Boko Haram.”

But the data reveals a conspiracy of misdirection. Boko Haram and its ISWAP offshoot combined to kill 3,079 civilians over four years, according to ORFA’s documented incidents. Horrific, certainly. But it pales beside the real engines of violence: Armed Fulani Herdsmen killed 11,948 civilians, while “Other Terrorist Groups”, largely Fulani bandits, killed 12,039.

That’s 23,987 victims mainly from Muslim Fulani-affiliated groups versus 3,079 from Boko Haram and ISWAP. These Fulani Ethnic Militia (FEM) are killing civilians at nearly eight times the rate of the terrorists everyone is talking about.

FEM is a Muslim militant group credited for most violent attacks in Nigeria’s Middle Belt and Northwest regions. Their violent activities also extend to the southern part of the country.

Why does this matter? Because the targeting is explicit and undeniable.

Of the Christians killed, nearly 80% were murdered by FEM. This is not the signature of random violence. This is selection. This is targeting. This is, by any honest definition, persecution.

And CAN, while acknowledging that “insurgency has claimed several Muslims in their early morning prayers,” conveniently neglects to mention that the primary killing force operates with clear religious preferences.

The Farming Season: When Persecution Becomes Ethno-Religious Cleansing

The temporal pattern of violence documented by ORFA reveals something even more sinister than religious targeting, it suggests systematic economic destruction designed to drive Christian communities from their ancestral lands.

Violence peaked between April and June, the heart of Nigeria’s farming season. This is when Christian farmers must plant their crops or face starvation. This is when they are most vulnerable, scattered across their fields, focused on survival rather than security.

And this is precisely when they were slaughtered.

The majority of civilians killed during these peak months were Christian farmers in the North Central, and parts of the North West, according to ORFA’s geographic analysis. Meanwhile, confrontations between Security Forces and Terror Groups, measured by casualties among combatants, dropped significantly during these same months.

Read that again: When Christian farmers are being massacred in their fields, the Nigerian Security Forces reduce their engagement with terrorist groups.

The ORFA report’s conclusion is damning: “In the period of the year when civilians were most severely attacked by Terror Groups, the Security Forces remained relatively absent.”

This is not neglect. This is abandonment. And the consequences go far beyond death tolls. Survivors report their fields destroyed or seized, ORFA’s data documents widespread “land grabbing.” Unable to plant, unable to harvest, forced to pay ransoms for kidnapped family members, Christian farming communities are driven into debt traps that complete what violence begins: the destruction of their ability to remain on their land.

When Ayuba suggests that concerns about Christian persecution are being “taken advantage of by groups who know what they benefit from foreign interests,” he ignores a more disturbing possibility: that his organization’s dismissiveness serves interests much closer to home.

The Geography of Abandonment

The regional breakdown of violence exposes a pattern of security deployment that appears designed to fail Christian communities.

The North West saw 11,626 civilian killings; the North Central, 8,789; the North East, 5,521. But the religious breakdown reveals the strategic nature of this violence.

In the North Central, the region with the second-highest death toll of civilians, 7,417 Christians were killed compared to just 1,348 Muslims, according to ORFA’s state-by-state breakdown. That’s a 5.5-to-1 ratio. Yet this is precisely where the data shows Security Forces were “relatively absent,” leaving the population “in the lurch” and giving “Muslim Fulani militants ample opportunity for their violent attacks, with Christians as their main victims.” (ORFA, August 2024).

Meanwhile, Security Forces killed 13,480 members of Terror Groups over four years, most of them in the North West and North East. Effective military action is clearly possible. It simply isn’t happening where Christians need it most

The Question CAN Cannot Answer

CAN’s position rests on a simple assertion: the violence in Nigeria is generalized insurgency that affects all Nigerians regardless of faith. The ORFA data poses an equally simple question in response:

If violence is truly indiscriminate, why are Christians 6.5 times more likely to be killed and 5.1 times more likely to be abducted than Muslims, when population size is accounted for? Why does one militia group kill Christians at double the rate it kills Muslims? Why are Security Forces absent from the regions where Christians face the greatest danger?

Ayuba suggests that “groups who know what they benefit from foreign interests” are exploiting Nigeria’s security crisis. But there’s a more uncomfortable possibility: that CAN itself, whether through political pressure, ethnic solidarity, or simple denial, has chosen institutional survival over prophetic witness.

When foreign governments threaten sanctions, CAN warns that “all of us will suffer.” Perhaps. But 22,361 Christians have already suffered the ultimate consequence. Their deaths deserve more than deflection. They deserve recognition. They deserve justice.

And they deserve better than a Christian organization that insists their persecution doesn’t exist.

Whereas CAN, under the presidency of General Muhammadu Buhari – a Fulani Muslim under whom Nigeria saw the proliferation of Islamist groups and more sympathy towards them than any resolve to eliminate them – cried to the international community about what practical indications revealed as a silent genocide against Christians, what could be any new data the present leadership of CAN have that made them deny an obvious genocide – especially at a strategic time when the US and other international observers are focusing on a call that has been on for over a decade?

The numbers are clear. The pattern is undeniable. The Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa has done the painstaking work of documenting what CAN refuses to acknowledge. And with ORFA’s forthcoming six-year report (October 2019 to September 2025) the question becomes more urgent: Why is the Christian Association of Nigeria working so hard not to see it?

Full ORFA report (Oct.2019-Sept.2023) with methodology available at www.orfa.africa. Six-year report (Oct.2019-Sept.2025) forthcoming.

The Night They Come: Living with Fear in Northern Nigeria

By Mike Odeh James

They strike as early as 10 p.m.—ghosts in the night, their arrival announced by sporadic gunfire and the haunting rhythm of their war cries that echo through the sleeping village. The sound alone freezes the heart. Families—fathers, mothers, sons, and daughters—huddle together in the dark, whispering prayers and trembling in silence. Some wet themselves; others shake uncontrollably. Mothers press trembling palms over the mouths of their infants, terrified that a single cry could summon death.

In that chaos, families scatter for survival. Some crawl into gutters filled with dirty water; others flee into uncompleted buildings, clinging to walls and praying the killers pass them by. Many rush into the bush, barefoot, with nothing but their nightclothes—unaware that snakes and scorpions lie in wait. A few hide inside the ceilings of their homes, hearts pounding as they hear footsteps below. The Fulani terrorists comb every house, every corner of the bush, searching for movement, for breath. At times, they set entire buildings ablaze, cooking whole families alive. And if they find you hiding, they shoot without hesitation.

The father, desperate and shaking, reaches for the hotline number the military had promised would bring help. He dials it again and again. It rings endlessly, unanswered—until despair becomes familiar.

For four long hours, gunfire rains. The Fulani terrorists—though not all Fulani are killers—move with ruthless precision, torching homes, dragging victims away, firing into the night. Then, as suddenly as they came, they vanish into the blackness—quietly, almost peacefully—leaving behind a village soaked in tears and fear.

When the sun rises, the true horror unfolds.

A neighbour’s wife has been taken.

A young boy lies still, his eyes wide open.

Another man limps, clutching a bleeding leg.

You hear someone whisper, “God, when will this end?”

But deep down, everyone knows—it won’t. Not yet.

They come twice a week now. They will move to the neighbouring villages and later cycle back

Each raid feels like a rehearsal for death. The nights grow longer, the days emptier. And in the daylight, the government’s words sound cruelly hollow.

Former President Muhammadu Buhari once warned Nigerians not to “stereotype the Fulani” for the sins of a few. The Sultan of Sokoto also cautioned against revenge killings. And the presidential spokesman, Femi Adesina, mocked the bereaved, asking, “Why don’t you give up your ancestral lands instead of dying for them?”

Soldiers clamped down youths who may have dane guns for self defence

But how do you give up the land that holds your father’s bones?

How do you abandon the soil that carries your children’s footprints?

It continued. Then, suddenly, I realised I had grown used to being woken at 10 p.m. every night. Even when there was no attack, my mind refused to rest. Sleep became a memory. I could not close my eyes until 5 a.m. My face thinned, my body weakened. I was becoming a ghost of myself.

When I finally went to the hospital, the doctor sighed deeply.

“You have acute high blood pressure and insomnia,” he said softly. “If you don’t rest, it could kill you.”

He paused, then added, “You’re not the only one. I’ve treated over 50 people with the same symptoms this week.”

Another doctor, a friend, told me he had seen 34 others—each suffering from the same silent torment.

We are the living dead—the unseen casualties of endless fear. We may not have been shot or kidnapped, but we are dying slowly, from the inside.

We are the other victims of Fulani terrorism, abandoned by a government that failed to protect us, betrayed by leaders who preach peace while we bury our neighbours.

And still, every night, at exactly 10 p.m., I wait for the sound of gunfire—because silence, too, now sounds like war.

An excerpt from Mike Odey’s yet to be published book…..

Between Closure and Disclosure: The Bitter Truth About Christian Genocide in Nigeria

by

Moses Oludele Idowu

Few days ago the Canadian Parliament in a resolution described Nigeria “as one of the worst places on Earth for a Christian to live.” It came as a rude shock to Nigerian government because their officials rarely follow international commentaries and journals. There was nothing new in that resolution actually.

For years now the _World Watch List_ ( a reputable annual publication of Open Doors International organization that monitors persecution of Christians worldwide) has consistently maintained that Nigeria, especially Northern Nigeria, is one of the worst places now on earth to be a Christian. I reviewed one of these reports during the Buhari regime. These reports are filed with parliaments across the world.

Recently too, popular American comedian Bill Maher also confirmed the reality of genocide in Nigeria. “I am not a Christian but they are systematically killing Christians in Nigeria. They’ve killed over a hundred thousand since 2009. They’ve burnt 18,000 churches. These are the Islamists, Boko Haram. This is so much more of a genocide attempt than what is going on in Gaza. They are literally attempting to wipe out the Christian population of an entire country.”

Adding to the flame, congressman Riley More of West Virginia 2nd District has written to Marco Rubio, US Secretary of State urging him to designate Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) halting all arms sales and technical support. His counterpart in the Senate, Texas senator Ted Cruz has accused the Nigerian government of “ignoring and even facilitating the mass murder of Christians by Islamist jihadists.”

In the light of what has been happening in Benue and Plateau states in particular can these allegations be faulted? Cruz also alleged that NIgerian Christians are being targeted and executed for their faith by Islamist terrorist groups “being forced to submit to Sharia Law and blasphemy laws across Nigeria. It is long past time to impose real costs on the Nigeria officials who facilitate these activities….”

Again I ask, in the light of experiences of Deborah Samuel, Leah Sharibu, etc., the closing of all public schools for Ramadan; has Cruz lied against Nigeria? Ted Cruz has therefore on the basis of these introduced a bill to the Senate, Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act which would target the public officials responsible for these policies with powerful sanctions and other tools.

Expectedly, these actions and steps have jolted Nigerian Government out of its slumber. There is no doubt that the Federal Government was rattled by the report of accusing the nation of genocide against Christians. Spirited attempts and means have been deployed to deny the allegations and dismiss the insinuations. Still they won’t go away rather like mortar to brick, they stick.

Aides, lackeys, honchos of the party and even “useful idiots” from the Christian Association of Nigeria have been engaged to whitewash the stain off government with hyssop; still to no avail.

I do not blame the government. Genocide is a serious thing to be accused of before the international community.

First the Minister of Information tried his best to denounce the allegations and dismiss the whole label as the work of enemies and overzealous haters of the administration and its “good works.” The usual platitudes of tolerance for all religions, and religious freedoms while denying the terrible underbelly of continuous pain and tears among selected groups who have waited for government interventions for years without success and to no avail.

It is my purpose in this investigation to present the facts as they are and leave the readers to judge for themselves. Is there indeed genocide against Christians in Nigeria or is it merely fictional? And are the Americans being overzealous and weeping more than the bereaved as Femi Fani-Kayode seemed to suggest in his response?

It is so amazing that we are so reactive as a people rather than been proactive. And this debility has infected even our government. Americans are being blamed, CNN is being blamed as if they just woke up from slumber or because we supported Gaza during the last United Nations Assembly. – as Fani-Kayode so shamelessly suggested. I do not agree with these propositions.

Long before America dabbled into our affairs Nigerians themselves have called attention to ongoing genocide in Benue and Plateau states.

In July 2023 Bishop Wilfred Anagbe of Makurdi in a testimony to the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs stated:

“The inaction and silence about our plight by both the ( Nigerian) government and powerful stakeholders all over the world prompts me to often conclude that there is a conspiracy of silence and a strong desire to just watch the Islamists get away with genocide in Benue State and others parts of Nigeria.” ( _Catholic Culture_ , July 24, 2023)

Two years later the same bishop in an interview with _ACI AFRICA_ noted that since 2018 he has shutdown some 17 parishes due to killings and systematic campaigns of territorial conquest. “No nation watches her citizens slaughtered like animals and says there is nothing to be done. It’s genocide.”
This is not an American talking and not a Canadian but a Nigerian bishop in Makurdi who is an eyewitness and a victim. Can we, in all honesty fault what he has said? In the light of what we know about Benue State has this bishop told a lie?
In March 12, 2025 the same bishop again appealed to the US House Foreign Affairs Committee, African Subcommittee to redesignate Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) owing to increased Islamist attacks against Christians. He details the persecution of Christians especially in Northern and Central regions of Nigeria where there is a manifest agenda “to reduce and eventually eliminate the Christian identity” of the country.He then concluded by saying, “Concretely I request and I plead, I ask you to redesignate Nigeria as a country of particular concern. This has practical and diplomatic meaning…”

The claim of genocide against Nigeria and the double standard often displayed by security agencies have been made by others even within the country. On April 17, 2025 CAN President, Daniel Okoh described the attacks in Bokkos and Bassa Local Government Areas of Plateau State as ” premeditated vicious acts of genocide” against indigenous Christian communities. [ See _BusinessDay_ April 17, 2025 ]

As usual the government response to all these is to be dismissive and mouth the same worn- out cliches and jaded old tales of tolerance, neutrality, freedom of religion and worship. These mask the insincerity of government and a proof that something sinister is underneath because it fails to address the real issues.

*Pattern of Attacks*

A common defense which usually provides a convenient narrative from government and its many apologists and “useful idiots” is the allusion to the pattern of attacks by insurgents. They claim the attacks do not show any pattern and all Nigerians have been attacked by insurgents without any discrimination.

The CAN national spokesman, one Abimbola Ayuba employed this tactic in his defense. “The pattern of killings has truly not been in a particular pattern,” _Punch_ reported him as saying.

That is not true and he knows in his heart and I will soon show the figures putting a lie to his statement.
“If they open fire in a market place the bullets don’t look for a Christian or spare a Muslim or even spare a baby…” rambled CAN spokesman Abimbola Ayuba to _Guardian_ newspaper. How about that? But Yelwata, where Fulani militia operated for hours killing over 200 without resistance from state security agencies, is not a market place; it is a residential community. Agatu, Bokkos, Bassa where Christians die daily are not market places but residential communities and where people live especially people of a particular Faith. Then there is a pattern.

How many of these militia men have been arrested and brought to book?

Why do the security agencies always maintained that the local vigilantes in these Christian areas cannot carry sophisticated guns like their attackers and refused to defend them claiming they have not received orders to engage? Isn’t that suggestive of genocide? When you refused to defend a people from sophisticated terrorists and you disable them from defending themselves what do you call that?

Abimbola added to his folly when he said: “Why run to America when you have a Senate here where you can file your petition?”
And if we may ask him, how many of the petitions filed by the besieged Christian communities in Benue and Plateau States and by their Development Associations and representatives have been successfully addressed by your Senate? Obviously they had stopped teaching Logic when you went to school or you didn’t learn well. It is so sad that CAN is now loaded with government apologists, fifth columnists and agents.

Sometimes I wonder reading press releases from CAN whether it was written by even Muslims or Aso Rock. I wrote years ago that this Association should be dissolved because it seems to have been hijacked by politicians and has therefore outlived its usefulness. Now I am vindicated.

Femi Fani-Kayode has spoken in similar vein. He believes that all Nigerians are facing genocide not just Christians. That makes it even worse for the government, if it is so. For he has thus charged Nigerian Government of gross irresponsibility. This is not a defense, it is an indictment. If all Nigerians are facing genocide why has Nigerian officials not asked for help from other nations and why is Nigeria crying and making case against Palestinian genocide at the United Nations Assembly when her own people are facing worse genocide at home? It is criminal irresponsibility and dereliction of duty. What responsible man goes out trying to put out fire in another man’s house while his own house with his children are on bigger conflagration?

Contrary to the lies and puerile and asinine logic of absence of discernible pattern in the attacks and killings there is indeed a pattern for anyone who can see, whose eyes have not been blinded by cataract as a result of politician’s filthy lucre and government’s cash transfusions. The figures tell the true story and these are figures from several reputable international observers and organisations and their is a common agreement in what they say. And curiously the natives of.these communities agree with what they say. Unfortunately even the press is compromised.
On a peripheral and surface level it appears the attacks are mindless and patternless but when viewed carefully, the nature and consistency of attacks, the response from the authority to these show a different picture.
It is true that there are critical insecurity challenges in most Northern states especially the Northeast and Northwest but often these are results of age-long misgivings and frictions between Hausa farmers and Fulani pastoralists occasioned by several factors. The Fulanis are mostly pastoralists while Hausas are mostly farmers on land. But these cannot be compared with what is happening and has been happening in Benue and Plateau States and, to some degrees, Taraba which are dominantly Christian states. Is this a coincidence?
Two, why are civilian vigilantes in the core North allowed to carry sophisticated arms to defend their communities and themselves but the same privilege is not accorded those in Benue and Plateau where there has been more bloodshed? Can anyone explain this?
Can anyone compare the statistics in other areas of the North with what is happening and has happened in Benue and Plateau states and Southern Kaduna in the past 10 years especially since these jihadists of APC took over the rein of government in Nigeria? The facts speak for themselves unless when we want to lie.

*Let The Figures Speak*

The _World Watch List_ , a publication of Open Doors International that measures and monitors Christian persecution around the world noted that in 2024 alone 3100 Christians were killed. These are killings targeted for the sake of belief and Faith. The report admitted that it is even lower compared to previous years.
The _International Christian Concern_ designate Nigeria a country of particular concern where persecution of Christians take place. Thus putting Nigeria in the same big league with North Korea, Saudi Arabia, etc.
Genocide or persecution encourages migration because people are bound to flee from zones of danger. Thus the pattern of migration can be indicative of the level of extreme persecution and killings in a particular region. Whatever forces people to leave their ancestral homes, houses and towns as it is currently happening in my dear Igbomina Land must be serious.
Now what does the statistics show? According to _International Organization for Migration (_ IOM) an estimate of 3.3 million Nigerians (i.e., three million, three hundred thousand) have been internally displaced. Now the same organization noted that of these sum almost half ( 1.5 million) has been displaced in Benue State alone. It also admitted that in Plateau State another Christian State, dozens of communities have been overrun in Bokkos, Riyom, Bakin Ladi and Mangu Local Government Areas and their farmland seized and lost. So even the remaining now face the threat of hunger and food shortage.

The _Christian International Solidarity_ ( CIS) detailed series of killings by Fulani militia men in Plateau State. The Nigerian manager has noted in his reports continuous massacres with details and specific beyond any exaggerations. “Since I arrived Jos, Plateau State there has been an attack on Christian villages every night. His log book and report read like those of observers or Red Cross agents in war-torn Somalia or Rwanda during turmoil except that this is Nigeria and our government wants us to believe that all is well. Here is a sample:

“March 27: Massacre of 12 mourners at a funeral in Ruwi village with a gang rape of 19- year old woman.

April 2: Killing of Anglican pastor Ezekiel Gama by Fulani militia. His wife, Naomi Ezekiel Gama sighted the men and hid.

April 13, Palm Sunday: Deadliest massacre in Zike village of Bassa Local Government leading to the death of 56 people including 15 children and displacing 2000 people.

April 15: I visited some victims at Jos University Teaching Hospital. Three people died in the hospital that day. The majority of the victims had been hacked on the back of their necks with machetes. ”

Despite the presence of the military the CSI’ s president, Dr. John Elbner noted there has been “no effective intervention..” Now what do you call these premeditated killings without state intervention? It is genocide.
Unfortunately your compromised press won’t report this.

Let us come nearer home. According to _International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law, Inter- Society,_ 2200 Christians were allegedly killed by Fulani herdsmen, Boko Haram, security personnel and other jihadist, bandits in several states of Nigeria between January and December 2020
They further did a breakdown:

Fulani herdsmen: 1300
Boko Haram/ Splinter groups ISWAP, Ansaru. (500)
NIgerian Army (200)
Jihadist/ bandits. (100)

Further breakdown per state and region shows a pattern which some say they couldn’t see.

Southern Kaduna (455)
Benue State (200)
Plateau State (173)
Southwest (35)
Niger State ( 70)
Kogi ( 55)
Nassarawa (42)
Delta. (20)
Bayelsa (4)
Adamawa (40)
Igboland (40)
Taraba ( 32)
Edo (15)

For those who say there is no pattern in the killings, it depends on where they are looking. Sure there has been widespread killings but it is concentrated in some areas and more pronounced in certain communities which are curiously dominantly Christian. In the Southwest for instance the only state that has been attacked more than the others is Ondo State; the only State where traditional rulers have been killed in the Southwest is Ekiti State. Curiously these are the two dominant Christian states in the region. How else is it true to say there is no pattern in the killings?

A high- powered fact- finding committee set up by Plateau State Government and headed by a Major General (retd) Nicholas Rogers on the tragedies that have befallen the state. The committee submitted its report this penultimate week and its findings are substantial and tragic:

In two decades they found out that no fewer than 420 communities ( _Daily Newshub_ says 450) across 13 Local Government Areas have been destroyed and desolate, 11, 749 people killed in two decades of violence. It also noted:

35% destruction of livestock
32.5% displacement of communities
16.8% destruction of food supplies
9.9% destruction of houses
3.4% illegal land occupation. [ See _Daily Newshub_ 21, September, 2025; _Salientnewsonline.com_ ]
How many are standing trial for these atrocities? None. The House of Representatives member from Plateau State informed the House that 55 communities in his Federal Constituency have been occupied by foreign Fulanis who are now dwelling there. Did the House do anything? Did they summon the army to go and dislodge them? This is why the response from CAN is so disappointing.

A journalist, Steven Kefas who was imprisoned in Kaduna for his writings expressed shock because he never found a single Fulani in the prison for all their atrocities in Southern Kaduna which they even publicly admitted. On the other hand what he found made him sick. He found innocent vigilantes from Southern Kaduna whose only offense was trying to defend their communities. That was their crimes. The serious Fulani prisoners he found brought for other crimes were even looking better fed than him coming from outside. That is Nigeria.
That is the colour of genocide.

Our government has beaten about the bush for too long. The people in Benue and Plateau States who are daily killed and in Southern Kaduna who are constrained from defending themselves from attack are also humans. An army is claiming it has not received orders to attack the assailants yet the same army is stopping the vigilantes from carrying high-grade weapons to confront the hooligans and even arresting them for merely protesting, as we saw in Igbomina Land. What do you call that? When you make people vulnerable to attack from parasitic barbarians from the jungle and leave them defenceless the very people whose tax pay your salaries and drive the convoy in your presidential fleet then that is not just enemy action. It is outright betrayal. When you made people incapable of defending themselves through devious schemes and legislation and selective enforcement of laws and deployment of security agencies thus rendering them vulnerable to murderous jihadist mobs it is not just betrayal or enemy action. It is premeditated killings by instalment. It is genocide.
I love Nigeria but I don’t love her more than God or Truth. What is going on in Nigeria in the last 10 years is a scandal and it must not be denied or trivialized in anyway.
It has come to the stage that the whole world need to see what is happening in Nigeria. In all my life I have never heard or read of any nation where soldiers of a National Army watch while legitimate citizens are being attacked and they refused to act because they have “not been ordered to engage” the assailants. Only in Nigeria. The world must hear that and why this only happens when it concerns a particular ethnic nationality and its deadly militia.
The world must now hear. We have pretended enough about patriotism – the usual refuge of the scoundrels. It is not patriotism to obscure the truth that meant loss of lives for entire people groups. Strangers are now occupying whole communities while the owners of the land are in IDPs camps. Killers, jihadists, terrorists and genocidists are being rehabilitated and furnished in the misbegotten name of “de-radicalisation” while the owners of the land and victims of their atrocities are neglected, hunger- bitten and cold- bitten in IDP Camps. The world must now hear. That is not being unpatriotic.
Let the truth be told: there is Christian genocide in Nigeria. And it must now stop.

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October 8, 2025
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End the Ravages of Herdsmen in Koro Land – Governments Must Act Now!

By Ayuba Tambaya

In the verdant heart of Southern Kaduna, where the soil whispers promises of bountiful harvests, a shadow looms large over Koro land. For generations, the resilient farmers of Kagarko Local Government Area (LGA) have tilled the earth, nurturing maize, ginger, yam, and millet to feed their families and communities. But today, this age-old rhythm of life is being shattered by relentless invasions from Fulani herdsmen, whose cattle trample and devour entire farmlands, leaving behind a trail of devastation, despair, and deepening poverty. The people of Koro – from villages like Aribi, Kenyi, Kutaho, Kabara, Kushe, Dogonkurmi, Katugal, Nkojo, and Kurmin Jibrin – cry out: enough is enough!

The crisis has reached a boiling point. Just days ago, on October 6, 2025, hundreds of farmers – predominantly women, but joined by men and children – marched barefoot to the palace of their traditional ruler, His Highness Yohanna Akaito, the Ere-Koro, in Kurmin Jibrin. Draped in black mourning attire, their faces smeared with charcoal in symbols of grief and humiliation, they carried leaves in their mouths and atop their heads as emblems of lost livelihoods. This was no ordinary protest; it was a visceral plea from a community on the brink.

These brave souls, many now widows and orphans due to machete-wielding attacks by the invaders, detailed harrowing tales: herdsmen grazing thousands of cattle unchecked across ripening fields, destroying crops worth millions of naira, and assaulting anyone daring to intervene. One farmer’s voice, echoing the collective anguish, captured the horror: “Our farms are our only hope, yet they turn to dust before our eyes.”

This is not an isolated incident but a chronic affliction plaguing Southern Kaduna. Research underscores the broader toll of farmer-Fulani herdsmen clashes on the region’s socio-economic fabric, with escalating violence driven by climate pressures, land scarcity, and unchecked migration patterns.

In nearby Kaura LGA, farmers reported losses in the millions just last year from similar rampages Across Nigeria’s Middle Belt, these conflicts have claimed thousands of lives over decades, displacing families and threatening food security.

In Koro land, the stakes are existential: without intervention, famine looms, children go hungry, and communal bonds fray under the weight of resentment and fear.

The human cost is immeasurable. Women, who form the backbone of Koro’s agricultural labor, bear the brunt – widowed by violence, bereft of income, and robbed of dignity. Children, meant to inherit thriving farmlands, instead witness their parents’ despair. The local economy, already strained, teeters on collapse as farmers abandon fields, fearing for their lives. This is not mere “clash” rhetoric; it is systematic destruction, enabled by inaction.

To the Kagarko LGA Government: You are the first line of defense. Deploy immediate patrols to secure farmlands, enforce anti-open grazing bylaws, and mediate fair compensation for destroyed yields. Establish community vigilance committees equipped with non-lethal tools to deter invasions without escalating tensions. Your silence emboldens the aggressors – act with the urgency your people demand!

To the Kaduna State Government: Southern Kaduna bleeds under your watch. Revive and fund grazing reserves far from arable zones, as recommended in conflict resolution studies. Invest in irrigation and alternative livelihoods for herders to reduce migratory pressures. Prosecute attacks swiftly through mobile courts, and integrate traditional rulers like the Ere-Koro into peace dialogues. The march to the palace was a warning; heed it before protests turn to unrest.

And to the Federal Government of Nigeria: This is a national emergency, not a local squabble. Under President Bola Tinubu’s administration, fulfill promises of ranching initiatives and deploy federal security forces – from the Nigeria Police to the Civil Defence Corps – to Kagarko without delay. Amend the grazing laws to prioritize farmers’ rights while protecting herders’ heritage. Allocate emergency funds for crop replanting and trauma counseling. Nigeria’s unity hangs by a thread in places like Koro; your decisive leadership can weave it stronger.

The protesters vowed to return if ignored – a testament to their resolve, but a tragic indicator of eroded trust. Climate change and population growth exacerbate these clashes, but governance failures ignite them.

Let October 6 mark a turning point, not another forgotten lament. Governments at all levels: hear the barefoot march, see the blackened faces, and act. Secure Koro’s farms today, or risk harvesting a bitter legacy of division tomorrow. The people of Koro land – and Nigeria – deserve no less.

Ayuba Tambaya writes from Kabara, Koro Chiefdom, Kaduna State.

+2347058440985

tambayaa10@gmail.com

INVESTIGATION: How Federal Government’s Abandonment of Strategic Manchok-Vom Road Strangles Economic Lifeline and Fuels Insecurity

By Steven Kefas

The sun beats down mercilessly on dozens of stranded vehicles along what should be one of Nigeria’s most vital economic arteries. For hours, commercial drivers, traders, and farmers have been trapped in a quagmire of mud, broken asphalt, and bureaucratic neglect that defines the current state of the Manchok-Ganawuri-Vom federal road.

This 52-kilometre stretch, designated as a federal highway, serves as a critical economic lifeline connecting Plateau State with Kaduna and numerous neighboring states across Nigeria’s Middle Belt region. Yet today, it stands as a monument to governmental abandonment and institutional failure.

The communities dotting this strategic corridor are among Nigeria’s most productive agricultural zones. Farmers here cultivate vast quantities of yam, maize, rice, potatoes, and ginger – crops that feed millions across the country. However, the deplorable condition of their primary route to market has transformed what should be prosperity into a daily nightmare of economic losses and human suffering.

“We produce enough food to feed millions of Nigeria, but we cannot get our harvest to the people who need it,” laments Musa Ibrahim, a farmer from Ganawuri whose truck loaded with yams overturned last month, destroying produce worth over 3 million naira.

The economic implications extend far beyond individual losses. Trucks carrying goods such as bottled drinks, water etc worth millions of naira regularly topple over on the treacherous terrain, their cargo spilling into roadside ditches where it rots under the elements. The ripple effects reach urban markets in Jos, Kaduna, and Abuja, where food prices continue to soar partly due to transportation challenges from these productive farming communities.

Perhaps the most insulting aspect of this crisis is the massive signpost erected by the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) boldly declaring that the Manchok to Vom Junction stretch has been “rehabilitated.” This gigantic billboard stands as a cruel joke to daily road users who navigate crater-sized potholes and impassable mud pools.

All efforts to reach FERMA for comments on the road’s condition and their maintenance claims proved unsuccessful. Multiple phone calls to the two contact numbers listed on the agency’s official website went unanswered, while a text message sent seeking their response was never replied to.

A closer examination reveals the truth behind FERMA’s claims. While minor patch work was indeed carried out on sections with small potholes, the Ganawuri portion – the most critical and severely damaged section – remains completely untouched. It is a classic case of cosmetic intervention designed more for political optics than genuine infrastructure development.

The agency’s selective rehabilitation approach has created an even more dangerous situation. Drivers, encouraged by the initial smooth patches, accelerate into what becomes a vehicular trap at Ganawuri, where the road deteriorates so dramatically that vehicles frequently get stuck for entire days.

The federal government’s neglect has created an unprecedented situation where local youths have essentially privatized a federal highway. Young men from Ganawuri now control access to the most treacherous sections, strategically placing rocks across deep craters and charging motorists 500 naira for the privilege of attempting passage.

During this reporter’s investigation on Wednesday, August 27, the situation had reached absurd proportions. After paying 1,000 naira through mobile transfer for road access, this correspondent joined dozens of other vehicles in a hours-long traffic standstill that stretched for about 1 kilometre.

The scene resembled a refugee camp more than a major highway. Frustrated passengers had disembarked, seeking shade that did not exist on the road. Hawkers moved through the stationary traffic selling water, sugarcane, and snacks to stranded travelers. Mothers with crying babies pleaded with drivers to somehow find alternative routes that simply do not exist.

The agricultural community has been forced to adapt in ways that highlight the severity of the situation. Farmers who once loaded their produce onto trucks for efficient transport to distant markets now depend entirely on motorcycles for their logistics chain.

“I used to send bags of potatoes to Kaduna and Abuja markets in one trip,” explains Rebecca Dung, a potato farmer in the area. “Now I can only send two bags at a time on a motorcycle, and the transport cost has tripled. Many of us are considering abandoning farming altogether because we cannot transport our potatoes to the market and they go bad after a few days”

This shift from truck-based to motorcycle-based transportation has reduced agricultural efficiency by approximately 80 percent while increasing costs exponentially. The knock-on effects include reduced agricultural investment, lower crop cultivation, and ultimately, decreased food security for the broader region.

Commercial drivers operating along this route have become unwilling martyrs to federal government negligence. Michael Adamu, who has been plying this route for over a decade, provides a heartbreaking testimony of occupational hazard that no professional should endure.

“Any time I manage to pass this road with passengers during the rainy season like this, I have to go straight to the mechanic workshop,” Adamu reveals, his voice heavy with frustration. “We are suffering here as you can see, we have been here for several hours and don’t know when we will move. The government must do something about this road.”

His experience is not unique. Conversations with multiple commercial drivers reveal a pattern of vehicle damage, increased maintenance costs, and lost income that threatens their livelihoods. Some road users have developed back and joint problems from navigating the rough terrain, while others have abandoned the route entirely, reducing transportation options for rural communities.

The road’s deplorable condition has created a security vacuum that armed militants and criminals exploit with devastating consequences. Habu Lucky, a local vigilante member in Ganawuri, articulates a reality that government security strategists seem to have ignored completely.

“As you can see, the condition of this road also makes it difficult for security response. Even if there is a security challenge, how do you think security personnel can access the communities? Tell me,” he challenges, gesturing toward the impassable terrain.

His concerns proved tragically prophetic on December 22, 2024, when armed Fulani militants attacked Gidan Ado community in Ganawuri chiefdom, Riyom Local Government Area. Fourteen people, including a pregnant woman, were killed in an attack that security forces struggled to respond to effectively due to the impassable road conditions.

The incident illustrates how infrastructure neglect becomes a national security threat. When government forces cannot reach crisis zones quickly, local communities become sitting targets for criminal elements who understand the terrain’s strategic advantages.

The Manchok-Ganawuri-Vom road crisis demands immediate federal intervention that goes beyond the superficial patch work that has characterized previous efforts. What is required is comprehensive reconstruction that acknowledges this route’s strategic importance to Nigeria’s food security and regional economic integration.

The federal government must treat this highway with the urgency it deserves – as a critical piece of national infrastructure whose failure threatens the economic survival of entire communities and the food security of millions of Nigerians.

Until then, farmers will continue watching their harvests rot, drivers will keep visiting mechanics after every journey, and communities will remain vulnerable to security threats that thrive in the shadow of governmental neglect.

The question remains: How long will the federal government allow one of Nigeria’s most productive regions to remain economically strangulated by a road that should be connecting communities, not isolating them?

This investigation was conducted over multiple visits to the Manchok-Ganawuri-Vom corridor, with extensive interviews of affected stakeholders including farmers, commercial drivers, local leaders, and security personnel.

Sesor Foundation and Grooming Centre Extend Decade-Long Mission to Support Nigeria’s Displaced Communities

(Lagos), After more than ten years of changing lives together, the Sesor Empowerment Foundation and Grooming People for Better Livelihood Centre have renewed their partnership. The two organizations signed their agreement in Lagos on August 28, 2025, pledging to continue their vital work with Nigeria’s internally displaced persons. Their mission remains clear: bring relief to families in crisis, restore hope to communities in need, and create pathways to better futures.

For more than ten years, Sesor and Grooming Centre have worked hand in hand, reaching over 110,000 displaced individuals across 14 states with aid, psychosocial care, and pathways to sustainable livelihoods. Their renewed commitment for 2025 promises to deepen this impact, with plans to expand Safe Day Spaces in Lagos and Benue States, deliver relief to 300 IDP households, provide livelihood training for 200 women, and disburse funds to help vulnerable women rebuild their lives. The partnership also emphasizes transparency, with dedicated resources for monitoring, reporting, and sharing stories of resilience with the public.

At the signing ceremony, the atmosphere was filled with purpose and gratitude. Dr. Godwin Nwabunka, CEO of Grooming Centre, spoke with conviction about the shared vision that drives their work. “We believe every life holds value and dignity, and no one should be left without hope,” he said. “For over ten years, our partnership with Sesor Foundation has been one way we stand with displaced families. This renewal strengthens our resolve to help rebuild lives and restore hope for those affected.”

Ier Jonathan-Ichaver, Sesor’s founder, reflected on the journey they’ve shared. “This relationship has endured and delivered real change,” she said, her voice carrying the weight of countless lives touched. “In the past decade, we’ve reached displaced persons in 14 states, offering relief, support, and paths to recovery. Grooming Centre has stood with us in urgent response efforts and joint outreach missions to communities like Apa and Otukpo LGAs. We look forward to achieving even more together.”

The ceremony wasn’t just about formalities; it was a celebration of impact. Sesor presented Grooming Centre with a plaque of appreciation, a heartfelt token of gratitude for their unwavering support. For those in the room, it served as a reminder of what’s possible when compassion meets action.

This partnership represents more than a collaboration—it’s a lifeline for Nigeria’s displaced communities, particularly women and children who bear the brunt of displacement. Sesor, a non-profit dedicated to relief, psychosocial support, and empowerment, has found a steadfast ally in Grooming Centre, an NGO focused on lifting the economically active poor through financial services and skills development. Together, they’re not just addressing immediate needs but building resilience, offering training, and creating opportunities for families to reclaim their futures.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with the challenges of multidimensional insecurity which lead tdisplacement, partnerships like this demonstrate what’s possible through sustained commitment. With their renewed agreement, Sesor and Grooming Centre are reinforcing their promise to restore dignity and foster hope, one life at a time.

For more information, contact Olufunke Adegunwa at +234 808 331 1198 or info@sesor.org.

“The Butcher of Kaduna and the Rise of State-Backed Violence”

By Today’s Challenge Magazine

When Silence Becomes Complicity, Truth Must Roar.

In a nation reeling from fear, bloodshed, and betrayal, where headlines echo daily horrors-kidnappings, killings, and communities erased overnight—one voice refuses to look away.

Jonathan Ishaku, acclaimed essayist and one of Nigeria’s most courageous truth-tellers, returns with his most incendiary and urgent book yet:

The Butcher of Kaduna and the Rise of State-Backed Violence.

This isn’t just a book. It’s a reckoning.

From the ashes of once-thriving villages to the halls of power where silence enables slaughter, Ishaku pulls back the curtain on the chilling realities behind Nigeria’s descent into chaos. With unmatched clarity and moral force, he lays bare how political actors, under the cover of state legitimacy, have turned violence into governance—with Kaduna State as ground zero.

In a time when fear silences many, Ishaku names names.

He exposes the politicization of security under Buhari, the rise of emboldened ethnic militias like Miyetti Allah, and the transformation of the North West into a graveyard of governance.

He documents the deadly impunity of Governor Nasir El-Rufai’s regime and dissects the cynical calculus that turns sectarian hatred into policy.

This book honours the fallen, amplifies the silenced, and summons the living to a higher cause: resistance, reform, and truth.

Why Now?

Because Nigeria is at a breaking point. Because too many have died in the shadows. Because state-backed violence is no longer a rumour—it is reality. Because El-Rufai’s Kaduna isn’t an anomaly, it is a warning.

For every Nigerian seeking to understand the roots of our collective trauma—this is your map.

For every patriot tired of lies dressed as leadership—this is your mirror. For every voice yearning for justice—this is your call to arms.

“The Butcher of Kaduna” is more than an exposé. It is a bold, necessary intervention in Nigeria’s fight for its soul.

Pre-order now. Speak up. Stand firm. The time for silence is over.

Every Nigerian Should Learn Self-Defense, Says Defense Chief – A Lesson from Sunday Jackson’s Tragic Case

By Steven Kefas

The Nigerian Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, has urged all Nigerians to acquire basic combat skills for self-protection in dangerous situations. Speaking on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Thursday, August 21, 2025 monitored by MBT, General Musa likened learning self-defense to essential life skills such as driving or swimming. “It’s a survival instinct,” he explained. “Whether there’s war or not, knowing how to defend yourself is crucial. In places like Europe, swimming is mandatory, and security training should be treated similarly.”

General Musa proposed that the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) should incorporate unarmed combat training into its curriculum to equip young Nigerians with skills to protect themselves from violent attacks. He emphasized that the world is becoming increasingly dangerous, with individuals who perpetrate violence without provocation. “Security is everyone’s responsibility,” he stated, encouraging Nigerians to remain vigilant and report suspicious activities within their communities.

The defense chief also highlighted operational challenges facing the military, including poor road infrastructure and inadequate communication networks, which hamper rapid response to attacks by bandits and terrorists. These criminals often execute swift strikes and vanish within minutes, leaving security forces struggling to mount effective pursuit operations.

This call for self-defense resonates deeply with the tragic case of Sunday Jackson, a Middle Belt farmer from Adamawa who was sentenced to death for defending himself against a Fulani herder who invaded his farm with cattle a decade ago. Sunday’s ordeal serves as a stark reminder of why self-defense capabilities are essential. When the herder attacked him on his farmland, Sunday fought back to protect his livelihood, the header died from injuries sustained. However, the justice system failed him, instead of recognizing him as a victim defending his property, he was convicted and now faces execution.

General Musa’s advocacy underscores a harsh reality: many Nigerians, particularly in the Middle Belt, confront threats from terrorist herders, bandits and other criminals with minimal immediate support from security forces. Sunday Jackson’s case illustrates the devastating consequences when citizens are compelled to defend themselves without fair legal protection.

Another example of the failure of the Nigerian judiciary to protect rights to self-defence is the case of Israel Bawa aka Zidane, an indigene of Adara who has been in prison since 2019 over self-defence related issue. Zidane is said to be a fearless young man who alongside others put up strong resistance against Fulani Ethnic Militias attacking their communities. He was arrested by the Nigerian army in 2019, tortured for several months before being transferred to the police, was charged to court and was remanded in prison custody. Zidane left behind a wife and two children who are currently at the mercy of good Samaritans.

The defense chief’s message is unambiguous: Nigerians must prepare to defend themselves in an unpredictable security environment. He also advocated for stronger legislation and expedited justice to prevent criminals from escaping accountability while law-abiding citizens like Sunday Jackson face persecution. As the Middle Belt continues grappling with security challenges, General Musa’s words serve as both a wake-up call for individual preparedness and an indictment of systemic failures that leave citizens vulnerable.

Steven Kefas is a veteran conflict reporter with over 10 years experience.

How Lakurawa Terrorists Are Carving Out a Caliphate in Nigeria’s Northwest

First published on TruthNigeria 

By Steven Kefas

(Kaduna), The tranquil morning of July 2nd, 2025, shattered into chaos as Lakurawa terrorists, led by former bandit commander Charambe, descended upon Kwallajiya village in Sokoto State’s Tangaza Local Government Area. When the dust settled, 15 villagers lay dead—the latest victims of a terror group that has transformed from seemingly peaceful recruiters into a violent force threatening Nigeria’s northwestern frontier. Lakurawa has about 3,000 fighters in its ranks, security expert Dr. Walid Abdullahi told TruthNigeria.

This deadly assault represents a chilling evolution for the Lakurawa group, whose name derives from the French “La recrue” (the recruit), and whose journey from obscurity to infamy offers a sobering lesson in how terrorist organizations exploit governance vacuums to establish territorial control.

The Deceptive Dawn of Terror

Lakurawa’s story begins not with violence, but with promises. When the group first crossed into Nigeria between 2017 and 2018, they presented themselves as peaceful implementers of Sharia law. Sa’idu Salewa, a resident of Tangaza, recalls their early days to TruthNigeria: “When they first came here, to Tangaza some months ago, they were calm, friendly and peaceful and were only after implementing sharia law but now things have changed. They now attack villages and kill people.”

Defense and security expert David Otto, speaking on Arise TV, explains that Lakurawa entered Nigeria in 2018, establishing footholds in communities across Sokoto and Kebbi states. Their initial strategy was one of patient infiltration—winning hearts and minds while quietly building organizational capacity. The group has in recent months sent out fighters to some states in the North-west and North-central parts of Nigeria, a security personnel serving in Sokoto told TruthNigeria on condition of anonymity. “Lakurawa has been expanding its reach beyond Sokoto and Kebbi states in recent months. Don’t forget that the Police in Zamfara attributed some attacks to Lakurawa late last year or so.” He said.

Dr. Walid Abdullahi, a security expert based in Birnin-Kebbi, warned of this deceptive strategy as early as November 2024. “The group is only playing the peaceful card to ascertain control of territories in the regions,” he cautioned, predicting that violence would inevitably follow once territorial control was established.

The Terror Emerges

The predicted violence materialized with devastating effect. Beyond the July 2nd massacre in Kwallajiya, Lakurawa’s operations have spread across multiple fronts. On May 16th, 2025, eight women were forcibly abducted from Zagani village in Kebbi State while attending church services. The Chairman of Danko-Wasagu Local Government Area, Hussaini Aliyu Bena, reported that poor network coverage has prevented contact with the abductors, leaving the victims’ fate unknown.

The group’s territorial ambitions have manifested in systematic taxation and control mechanisms. In Augi Local Government Area of Kebbi State, residents report that Lakurawa now imposes taxes on villages and restricts cattle sales. Abubakar Muhammad, a local resident, describes the suffocating control: “It is now almost impossible to sell your own cattle to buy, let’s say, a motorcycle. They will arrest you and get you to pay taxes. Their justification is that they want to be using the animals owned by villagers to help the less privileged.”

A Strategic Alliance of Terror

Perhaps most alarming is Lakurawa’s ability to attract dispersed bandit elements. Dr. Abdullahi’s intelligence sources confirm that former bandits, left without leadership after military operations eliminated their commanders, are now seeking shelter under Lakurawa’s umbrella.

“I can also confirm that some bandits who were dispersed by the military operations that killed their commanders are now entering into alliances with different Lakurawa cells in Kebbi and Sokoto states,” Dr. Abdullahi reveals. This fusion of ideological terrorism with criminal banditry creates a hybrid threat that complicates counter-terrorism efforts.

The security expert warns that this phenomenon causes confusion in attack attribution: “Communities may actually see bandits, but the bandits may be new Lakurawa members.” This strategic absorption of bandit elements strengthens Lakurawa’s operational capacity while providing desperate bandits with ideological cover for their activities.

The Larger Sahel Connection

Lakurawa’s ambitions extend far beyond local control. Dr. Abdullahi identifies the group as part of a broader jihadist project seeking to establish caliphates “in the Sahel down to the coast of Ghana.” This regional vision aligns with established terrorist networks operating across West Africa.

The geographic proximity between Kebbi and Niger states creates particular concern. Dr. Abdullahi warns that Lakurawa’s eventual convergence with JNIM (Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin) fighters operating around Kainji Lake appears inevitable rather than possible.

“When you consider the proximity between Kebbi and Niger state, it is a matter of when, not if, Lakurawa will meet up with their counterparts; the JNIM fighters in the Kainji lake are where JNIM is now dominant,” he cautions. “We may soon have a dominant alliance of all terror groups in the Sahel, and that will be dangerous for Nigeria.”

Communities Under Siege

The human cost of Lakurawa’s expansion is devastating. Muhammed Rabiu, a Tangaza resident, describes communities living under constant threat: “The community has been under siege from both the Lakurawa terror group for weeks with the Nigerian security doing very little to intervene.”

Local residents report that the group has been “killing people silently in Tangaza local government for some time now,” suggesting a pattern of systematic intimidation designed to establish complete territorial control.

The Security Response Gap

The consistent reports of minimal security intervention highlight a critical gap in Nigeria’s counter-terrorism strategy. Communities describe being abandoned to face Lakurawa’s expansion with little to no government support, creating conditions that allow terrorist groups to establish territorial control.

A Warning Unheeded

Lakurawa’s evolution from peaceful recruiters to violent terrorists validates expert warnings about the group’s true intentions. Their success in establishing territorial control, imposing taxation, and attracting criminal allies demonstrates how quickly terrorist organizations can exploit governance vacuums.

The group’s regional ambitions and potential alliance with established Sahel terrorist networks represent a strategic threat requiring immediate, coordinated response. Without decisive action, Lakurawa’s “recruitment” phase may prove to be merely the prelude to a broader campaign of terror across West Africa’s vulnerable northwestern corridor.

As communities continue to suffer under Lakurawa’s expanding control, the question remains: will Nigeria’s security apparatus mobilize effectively against this growing threat before it becomes too entrenched to dislodge?

First published on TruthNigeria

….Steven Kefas is the publisher for Middle Belt Times and also reports conflicts for TruthNigeria