The Silent Genocide: Gwoza’s Christians in the Grip of Jihadist Terror

By Suleman Ayuba

Gwoza, a once-vibrant Christian enclave in Nigeria’s Borno State, is thick with grief. For over a decade, jihadist insurgents primarily Boko Haram have waged a relentless campaign of terror against the region’s predominantly Christian population. Homes have been razed, churches reduced to rubble, and families torn apart. More than 60,000 Christians have fled across the border into Cameroon, only to face hunger, disease, and despair in overcrowded refugee camps. Many who attempt the treacherous journey back to Nigeria perish along the way, succumbing to starvation or exhaustion in the unforgiving bushes. This is not just a humanitarian crisis. It is a targeted, systematic assault on a religious community, one that many now describe as genocide.

Gwoza’s nightmare began in earnest in 2014 when Boko Haram seized the town and declared it the capital of their self-styled Islamic caliphate. In the years since, the group has returned again and again, launching coordinated attacks on Christian villages. Just last month, in October 2025, insurgents overran Kirawa, a settlement near Gwoza, forcing over 5,000 residents to flee into Cameroon. This was not an isolated incident. In January 2025, more than 4,000 Christians were displaced from nearby Chibok after similar raids.

The human toll is staggering. Since 2009, over 50,000 Christians have been killed nationwide by extremist violence, with Gwoza and surrounding areas bearing the brunt. Of the 176 churches that once stood in Gwoza Local Government Area, 148 have been destroyed. Pastors, farmers, and children have been executed in cold blood, often forced to renounce their faith at gunpoint.

For the more than 60,000 Gwoza Christians now living in Cameroon, exile offers little solace. Most are crammed into camps like Minawao in the country’s Far North Region, where aid is scarce and conditions are dire. Families live in flimsy tents, battling malnutrition, cholera outbreaks, and the constant threat of Boko Haram incursions across the porous border.

Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum visited these refugees in October 2025, acknowledging their plight but offering little in the way of immediate solutions. Many feel abandoned by the Nigerian government, by the international community, and by the world’s conscience.

The journey home is even deadlier. With internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Nigeria closing and repatriation programs faltering, desperate refugees attempt to trek back on foot. Hundreds have died en route, their bodies claimed by hunger, dehydration, and ambushes. One of the survivor recounted walking for days with nothing but wild leaves to eat, only to find his village in ruins upon return and bokko haram still targeted him until he run again to Nasarawa state.

The deliberate targeting of Christians for elimination based on their faith. A Gwoza Christians elder recently received death threats for daring to call it what it is a genocide and demanding international intervention.

Regardless of terminology, the facts are undeniable: entire Christian communities have been erased from the map. Land once farmed by generations of Marghi, Chibok, and Gwoza believers now lies fallow and is occupied by settlers aligned with the insurgents.

The world cannot afford to look away. The Home for the needy foundation in benin Open Doors for 3000 Gwoza orphans, providing critical support, but their resources are stretched thin. Safe, voluntary repatriation must be prioritized, alongside robust security for returnees. International pressure is needed to ensure Nigeria fulfills its duty to protect all citizens regardless of faith.

The people of Gwoza are not statistics. They are mothers who buried their children, pastors who preach in the ruins of their sanctuaries, and refugees who still dare to hope. Their story is one of resilience amid unimaginable loss.
It is time for the global community to act not with silence, but with solidarity. The Christians of Gwoza have suffered enough.

The Hypocrisy That Keeps Nigeria Bleeding

By Samuel Ateh Stephen

There is a kind of hypocrisy that kills faster than bullets, the hypocrisy of selective outrage. It does not pull the trigger, yet it creates the emotional climate in which murder becomes ordinary. It numbs the conscience, erodes shared humanity, and replaces moral judgment with identity based loyalty. Nigeria has become a nation where the value of a human life fluctuates depending on the victim’s ethnicity, religion, or region. Once empathy becomes tribal, morality becomes political, and a society where morality is political is already in decay.

When sixteen northerners were killed in Edo State, the reaction was swift and coordinated. Northern elders voiced outrage. Delegations traveled. Traditional institutions were stirred. The Governor of Edo State, Monday Okpebholo, traveled to Kano to meet with families and northern leaders. The killings were framed as an assault against identity. The value of the victims was elevated not simply because lives were lost, but because those responsible were perceived as coming from another side of Nigeria’s divide.

A similar pattern emerged when Fatima and her four children were murdered in Anambra by suspected IPOB elements. The state government moved quickly to calm tensions. Security efforts were strengthened. Leaders spoke firmly across ethnic and religious lines. And when a northern dominated market in Ibadan was attacked, the reaction from northern governors was immediate. The late Governor Rotimi Akeredolu responded with empathy, arrests, and reconciliation. These moments show that Nigeria is capable of moral clarity when it chooses to be. They demonstrate that the country can act decisively when violence threatens established boundaries.

Yet the same nation becomes quiet when the victims are from Southern Kaduna, Benue, Plateau, or Taraba. Entire villages are wiped out in cycles of violence. Families are buried in mass graves. Children are left without parents in numbers too large to count. These tragedies pass as routine news. There are no national delegations. No unified outrage. No sustained public grief. The silence reveals a dangerous truth. Some lives are implicitly considered less worthy of mourning.

Why does outrage depend on who the killer is, rather than the fact that a life was taken? A nation that mourns selectively has lost its sense of moral order. This is not justice. It is a collapse of conscience.

When perpetrators share our ethnic, religious, or cultural identity, many suddenly become restrained and diplomatic. The same people who demand justice in one circumstance immediately demand nuance or silence in another. Violence becomes tolerable if it comes from our own. But when the roles are reversed, the same individuals rediscover moral clarity and the language of condemnation. This shifting morality is the machinery that sustains cycles of revenge.

No society can endure when truth itself is filtered through ethnic or religious loyalty. If the killers are Muslims, they must be condemned. If the killers are Christians, they must be condemned. If they are Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba, Tiv, Fulani, Jukun, Bachama, or from any other group, they must be condemned. Silence, excuse, or justification is complicity. Evil has no tribe. Evil has no religion. It only has defenders.

The real threat to Nigeria is not the bandit in the forest or the terrorist with a rifle. The real threat is the citizen who excuses him, protects him, rationalizes him, or refuses to condemn him because of shared identity. Healing will begin the day Nigerians mourn every victim as though the victim came from their own family.

Until then, the country will continue to bleed from wounds we refuse to acknowledge, from injustices we refuse to confront, and from a conscience that speaks only when it is convenient.

As Nigerian elites panic over Trump’s military threat, the victims of two decades of massacre ask: where were you when we were being slaughtered

The response from Nigeria’s political class, thought leaders, and commentators has been predictably indignant. They warn of sovereignty violations, speak ominously of chaos and instability, invoke the specter of Libya and Iraq, and counsel caution about external military intervention. These concerns sound measured, reasonable, even patriotic.

But they ring hollow to the communities that have buried their dead by the hundreds while Nigeria’s government looked the other way.

The View from the Killing Fields

As someone who has spent over a decade documenting the ongoing massacre in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, interfacing directly with survivors, photographing mass graves, and listening to testimonies that would break the hardest heart, I can tell you this with certainty: the direct victims of these terrorist atrocities have reached a point where they no longer care where help comes from. When your government has abandoned you to slaughter, sovereignty becomes an abstract concept with little meaning.

Benjamin Badung, a 40-year-old father of five from Bangai district in Riyom Local Government Area of Plateau State, will not be pondering the geopolitical implications of American intervention. On May 20, 2025, his wife Kangyan was slaughtered by Fulani militants. He is raising five children alone, living in fear that the attackers will return to finish what they started. If American military action means his children stay alive and can thrive on their ancestral land, Benjamin Badung will not object on grounds of national sovereignty.

The survivors in Yelwata, Benue State, who I have visited 3 times since they buried 258 people, mostly women and children on June 14, 2025, are not concerned about the precedent of foreign military intervention. They watched their loved ones massacred over four hours of sustained attack while military barracks sat less than 20 miles away. They know their attackers. They know where the terrorists are camped, less than five miles away in Kadarko, Nasarawa state. Yet no arrests have been made. No camps have been bombarded. No justice has been served. If Trump’s threat galvanizes action against those who butchered their families, they will welcome it.

The people of over over 30 communities in Bokkos, who mourned over 200 dead on Christmas Day 2023, are not writing think pieces about the dangers of American military adventurism in Africa. They are wondering why their Christmas celebration became a massacre, why their churches were burned, why their government failed to protect them despite warnings of impending attacks.

The residents of Zikke in Miango, massacred while soldiers stationed less than four miles away remained motionless, are not worried about Nigeria’s international image. They are haunted by a more fundamental question: why did their own military refuse to defend them?

The peace loving people of Bindi in Tahoss district, Riyom LGA, a community of about a thousand people I have also visited and interacted with three times since the July 15 attack that left 27 people mostly women and children dead don’t really care if natural resources is stolen by America provided their farms become safer.

The list goes on. Community after community. Massacre after massacre. Mass grave after mass grave. And through it all, the Nigerian government has offered nothing but excuses, denials, and appeasement of the very terrorists carrying out these atrocities.

The Sudden Awakening of Nigeria’s Military

It is remarkable, and deeply cynical that in the 168 hours following Trump’s threat, the Nigerian military has suddenly flooded social media with posts about victories against terrorists in different parts of the country. Where was this energy for the past two decades? Why did it take an American president’s threat to spur action that should have been ongoing as a matter of national duty?

The message is unmistakable: Nigeria’s government is capable of fighting terrorism when sufficiently motivated. The capacity exists. The resources are available. What has been missing is political will. Trump’s statement has apparently provided that motivation in 168 hours, revealing what victims of these attacks have known all along, the failure to protect communities has been a choice, not an inability.

The Questions That Still Demand Answers

Even as the military scrambles to demonstrate competence in the Northeast and northwest, the fundamental questions about the Fulani jihadist insurgency in the Middle Belt remain unanswered.

The immediate past Chief of Defense Staff, General Christopher Gwabin Musa, stated during an August 2025 interview on Channels TV that the process of identifying and prosecuting terrorism financiers in Nigeria is ongoing, citing legal complexities. But who are these financiers? Why, after two decades of attacks involving sophisticated weapons and coordinated operations across multiple states, has not a single major financier been publicly identified, arrested, and prosecuted?

Where do the Fulani ethnic militants operating in the Northwest and Middle Belt acquire military-grade weapons? These are not crude hunting rifles; survivors describe AK-47s, AK-49, RPGs, general-purpose machine guns, and in some cases, anti-aircraft weapons. Such arsenals require supply chains, logistics, and financing. Yet the Nigerian government claims inability to trace these obvious channels.

How is it possible that terrorists appear in public, sometimes armed and in the presence of security agents, without arrests? Recent videos from Guga Ward in Bakori Local Government Area of Katsina State show armed Fulani militants attending “peace talks” with weapons visible, surrounded by traditional rulers and, disturbingly, security personnel. In any functional state, such gatherings would result in mass arrests. In Nigeria, they result in photo opportunities.

Why is the Nigerian National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, bent on appeasing Fulani terrorists instead of allowing the military to treat them as the terrorists they are? His alleged championing of peace deals that demand no disarmament, no accountability, and no cessation of violence represents either profound incompetence or something more sinister.

The Martyr They Created: General Christopher Musa’s Warning

Perhaps the most telling aspect of this entire crisis is what happened to General Christopher Musa. Just five days before his removal as Chief of Defence Staff, General Musa issued a stark warning to Nigerians about peace deals with terrorists.

“We therefore urge everyone: do not make peace with them. We do not support these bandits or any peace agreement with them. If they genuinely want to stop, they should lay down their weapons and surrender. If they surrender, we will take them into custody, screen and investigate them thoroughly; that’s the proper approach,” General Musa stated clearly.

He continued with even more pointed language: “But sitting down with a bandit and asking ‘Why did you pick up a gun?’ is pointless. It’s driven by greed, and greedy people will not give up. They will never stop. So there should be no truce with them.”

This was a military leader articulating sound counterterrorism doctrine: no negotiations with active terrorists, demand for unconditional surrender, thorough screening and investigation of those who lay down arms, and absolute rejection of the peace deal charade that has characterized Nigeria’s approach to both Boko Haram and the Fulani militants insurgency.

In the same month, General Musa issued a directive to troops to eliminate any terrorist killing civilians and destroying property nationwide. This was exactly the kind of aggressive posture needed to confront groups that have operated with impunity for two decades.

The response from certain Northern elites and Islamic clerics was immediate and hostile. They objected vehemently to this directive, advocating instead for continued peace deals with terrorists. Shortly thereafter, General Musa was removed from his position.

The message sent was chilling: a Chief of Defence Staff who takes a hard line against Islamist terrorists will not be tolerated. Those who advocate for crushing terrorist groups rather than accommodating them will definitely be removed. We saw it happen to Gen Ihejerika at the peak of the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast. The political will to confront the Fulani jihadist insurgency does not exist at the highest levels of Nigeria’s government, and anyone who attempts to act decisively will be neutralized.

General Musa’s removal, following immediately after his public rejection of terrorist appeasement, reveals the fundamental rot at the core of Nigeria’s counterterrorism strategy. It explains why, despite a capable military that has successfully conducted peacekeeping operations in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and other conflict zones, Nigeria cannot or will not crush armed groups terrorizing its own citizens.

The Elite Panic vs. The Victims’ Reality

The panic among Nigeria’s political and intellectual class over Trump’s threat is instructive. Where was this passionate defense of Nigerian sovereignty when communities were being wiped out and some occupied by terrorist elements? Where were the think pieces and television appearances when churches were being burned and farmlands destroyed? Where was the outrage when peace deals legitimized terrorists?

For two decades, Nigeria’s elites have been largely silent as communities in the Middle Belt faced systematic extermination. They characterized genocide as “farmer-herder clashes.” They blamed victims for not “accommodating” their killers, they blamed climate change. They counseled patience and reconciliation while bodies piled higher.

Now, suddenly, they have found their voices, not to demand protection for vulnerable communities, but to object to the prospect of someone else providing that protection.

This is not patriotism. This is complicity masquerading as principle.

What Trump’s Threat Reveals

Whether President Trump follows through on his threat or not, his statement has accomplished something the Nigerian government has failed to achieve in two decades: it has forced a conversation about the true nature of violence against Christians and other religious groups in Nigeria.

The euphemisms are no longer working. The world is no longer accepting “farmer-herder clashes” as explanation for systematic religious persecution. The fiction that these are spontaneous conflicts over resources has been exposed. The pretense that Nigeria’s government is doing everything possible to protect all citizens has collapsed.

Trump’s threat as crude as it may sound to diplomatic ears speaks a language that Nigeria’s government apparently understands: consequences. For years, international partners issued strongly worded statements, expressed concern, called for dialogue. Nothing changed. Now, facing potential military intervention and aid cutoffs, the Nigerian military suddenly discovers operational capacity it has denied possessing for years.

The Path Nigeria Must Take

If Nigeria’s government wishes to avoid the humiliation of foreign military intervention on its soil, the solution is straightforward: do your job. Protect your citizens. Crush the terrorists. End the appeasement.

Specifically:

Remove Nuhu Ribadu as National Security Adviser and replace him with someone committed to defeating terrorism rather than accommodating it.

Reinstate General Christopher Musa’s directive to eliminate terrorists killing civilians, and ensure military commanders face consequences for failure to act.

Officially designate armed Fulani militia groups as terrorist organizations and prosecute them accordingly under Nigeria’s terrorism laws.

Launch coordinated military operations to clear terrorist camps in the Middle Belt, starting with all known locations.

Arrest and prosecute terrorism financiers instead of citing endless “legal complexities” as excuse for inaction.

End all peace deals with active terrorist groups and demand unconditional surrender as the only acceptable path for those who wish to lay down arms.

The authorities should arrest and prosecute Sheikh Ahmed Gumi and other clerics who defend and justify atrocities committed by terrorists, individuals the government and media have euphemistically labeled as “bandits.”

Provide justice and reparations for the millions of victims who have lost family members, homes, and livelihoods.

These are not impossible demands. They are basic functions of government. That they seem radical in the Nigerian context reveals how far the government has strayed from its fundamental duty to protect citizens.

A Message to Nigeria’s Elites

Your sudden concern about sovereignty and stability would be more credible if you had shown similar concern when your fellow citizens were being massacred. Your warnings about the dangers of foreign intervention would carry more weight if you had demanded domestic action when it could have prevented this crisis.

You cannot remain silent while communities are exterminated and then clutch your pearls when someone else threatens to act. You cannot characterize genocide as economic conflict and then object when others call it what it is. You cannot accommodate terrorists for two decades and then suddenly discover principles when faced with consequences.

The victims of Fulani jihadist terrorism are not impressed by your geopolitical analysis. They are not moved by your concerns about precedent. They are not comforted by your counsel of patience. They have been patient for twenty years while you did nothing.

If you do not want foreign intervention in Nigeria, then demand that your government intervene to protect Nigerians. If you object to Trump’s threat, channel that energy into demanding that Tinubu’s administration crush the terrorists. If you care about sovereignty, insist that Nigeria exercise sovereignty by defending all its citizens, not just those whose deaths are politically inconvenient to acknowledge.

Conclusion: When Survival Trumps Sovereignty

I do not know if President Trump will follow through on his threat. I do not know if American military action in Nigeria would succeed or fail, bring peace or chaos. What I know is this: for communities that have buried their dead by the hundreds while their government looked away, the calculation is simple.

They have tried trusting their government. Their government failed them.

They have tried appealing to national authorities. National authorities ignored them.

They have tried documenting atrocities to force action. The documentation was dismissed as exaggeration.

They have tried international advocacy. It was characterized as unpatriotic.

Now, finally, someone with real power is threatening consequences for their government’s failure to protect them. And Nigeria’s elites are upset, not at the government that abandoned these communities to slaughter, but at the foreign leader threatening to act where Nigeria will not.

The people of the Middle Belt are watching this reaction, and they are drawing conclusions about who their real enemies are. It is not just the terrorists pulling triggers. It is also those who create the conditions for those triggers to be pulled with impunity, and those who object more strenuously to the prospect of justice than to the reality of genocide.

Trump’s threat may be crude, it may be controversial, it may be problematic in numerous ways. But to the husband who buried his wife, to the community that buried its children, to the survivors waiting for the terrorists to return, it is something else entirely: it is acknowledgment that their lives matter, that their suffering is seen, and that someone, somewhere, is willing to act.

That is more than Nigeria’s government has given them in twenty years.

Picture: cooking pots abandoned by fleeing residents during Islamic Fulani terrorists attack in Januwa village, Yangtu Development Area, Taraba state. Credit: Steven Kefas

…Steven Kefas is an investigative journalist, Senior Research Analyst at the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa, and Publisher of Middle Belt Times. He has documented religious persecution and forced displacement in Nigeria’s Middle Belt for over a decade.

The Numbers CAN Won’t Face: How Nigeria’s Leading Christian Body Became an Apologist for Targeted Violence

By Zariyi Yusuf

When Abimbola Ayuba, Director of National Issues and Social Welfare for the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), dismissed foreign concerns about Christian persecution with the assurance that “bullets don’t look for a Christian or spare a Muslim,” he may have expected his words to calm international alarm. Instead, he revealed something far more troubling: Nigeria’s premier Christian organization has become an unwitting or perhaps willing accomplice in obscuring one of the most systematic campaigns of religious violence in modern African history.

The numbers tell a different story. A devastating story. A story that CAN, for reasons that demand urgent scrutiny, refuses to tell.

That story comes from an exhaustive four-year study by the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa (ORFA), an independent research organization dedicated to documenting religious persecution across the continent. Their meticulous data collection, available at www.orfa.africa, tracked every recorded incident of violence in Nigeria’s conflict zones from October 2019 to September 2023. What they found doesn’t just challenge CAN’s narrative, it exposes it as fundamentally dishonest.

And the crisis is ongoing. ORFA is currently preparing to release a comprehensive six-year report covering October 2019 to September 2025.

The Mathematics of Denial

The ORFA report’s findings don’t just contradict CAN’s position, they obliterate it.

Of 30,880 civilians killed during this period, 22,361 were Christians and 8,314 were Muslims. At first glance, this 2.7 to 1 ratio might seem to support CAN’s narrative of generalized violence. But this surface-level analysis commits a fatal error: it ignores population distribution.

When ORFA researchers adjusted for the relative sizes of Christian and Muslim populations in affected states, the only mathematically honest way to assess targeting, the ratio exploded to 6.5 to 1. Christians are not just more likely to die; they are six and a half times more likely to be killed than their Muslim neighbors, according to ORFA’s population-adjusted analysis in the reporting period.

For abductions, the story is equally grim. Of 21,532 civilians kidnapped, 11,185 were Christians and 7,899 were Muslims. The proportional ratio? 5.1 to 1. Christians are five times more likely to be dragged from their homes, held for ransom, or to disappear entirely.

When Ayuba insists that bullets “don’t look for a Christian,” the mathematics respond with a simple, brutal truth: Yes, they do. And they find Christians with deadly, disproportionate accuracy.

The Perpetrators CAN Won’t Name

Perhaps the most damning revelation in the ORFA data concerns not the victims, but the killers, and CAN’s careful avoidance of naming them.

When most Nigerians and international observers think of terrorism in Nigeria, they think of Boko Haram and ISWAP. The government encourages this focus. Even foreign critics like Bill Maher center their accusations on “Islamists” and “Boko Haram.”

But the data reveals a conspiracy of misdirection. Boko Haram and its ISWAP offshoot combined to kill 3,079 civilians over four years, according to ORFA’s documented incidents. Horrific, certainly. But it pales beside the real engines of violence: Armed Fulani Herdsmen killed 11,948 civilians, while “Other Terrorist Groups”, largely Fulani bandits, killed 12,039.

That’s 23,987 victims mainly from Muslim Fulani-affiliated groups versus 3,079 from Boko Haram and ISWAP. These Fulani Ethnic Militia (FEM) are killing civilians at nearly eight times the rate of the terrorists everyone is talking about.

FEM is a Muslim militant group credited for most violent attacks in Nigeria’s Middle Belt and Northwest regions. Their violent activities also extend to the southern part of the country.

Why does this matter? Because the targeting is explicit and undeniable.

Of the Christians killed, nearly 80% were murdered by FEM. This is not the signature of random violence. This is selection. This is targeting. This is, by any honest definition, persecution.

And CAN, while acknowledging that “insurgency has claimed several Muslims in their early morning prayers,” conveniently neglects to mention that the primary killing force operates with clear religious preferences.

The Farming Season: When Persecution Becomes Ethno-Religious Cleansing

The temporal pattern of violence documented by ORFA reveals something even more sinister than religious targeting, it suggests systematic economic destruction designed to drive Christian communities from their ancestral lands.

Violence peaked between April and June, the heart of Nigeria’s farming season. This is when Christian farmers must plant their crops or face starvation. This is when they are most vulnerable, scattered across their fields, focused on survival rather than security.

And this is precisely when they were slaughtered.

The majority of civilians killed during these peak months were Christian farmers in the North Central, and parts of the North West, according to ORFA’s geographic analysis. Meanwhile, confrontations between Security Forces and Terror Groups, measured by casualties among combatants, dropped significantly during these same months.

Read that again: When Christian farmers are being massacred in their fields, the Nigerian Security Forces reduce their engagement with terrorist groups.

The ORFA report’s conclusion is damning: “In the period of the year when civilians were most severely attacked by Terror Groups, the Security Forces remained relatively absent.”

This is not neglect. This is abandonment. And the consequences go far beyond death tolls. Survivors report their fields destroyed or seized, ORFA’s data documents widespread “land grabbing.” Unable to plant, unable to harvest, forced to pay ransoms for kidnapped family members, Christian farming communities are driven into debt traps that complete what violence begins: the destruction of their ability to remain on their land.

When Ayuba suggests that concerns about Christian persecution are being “taken advantage of by groups who know what they benefit from foreign interests,” he ignores a more disturbing possibility: that his organization’s dismissiveness serves interests much closer to home.

The Geography of Abandonment

The regional breakdown of violence exposes a pattern of security deployment that appears designed to fail Christian communities.

The North West saw 11,626 civilian killings; the North Central, 8,789; the North East, 5,521. But the religious breakdown reveals the strategic nature of this violence.

In the North Central, the region with the second-highest death toll of civilians, 7,417 Christians were killed compared to just 1,348 Muslims, according to ORFA’s state-by-state breakdown. That’s a 5.5-to-1 ratio. Yet this is precisely where the data shows Security Forces were “relatively absent,” leaving the population “in the lurch” and giving “Muslim Fulani militants ample opportunity for their violent attacks, with Christians as their main victims.” (ORFA, August 2024).

Meanwhile, Security Forces killed 13,480 members of Terror Groups over four years, most of them in the North West and North East. Effective military action is clearly possible. It simply isn’t happening where Christians need it most

The Question CAN Cannot Answer

CAN’s position rests on a simple assertion: the violence in Nigeria is generalized insurgency that affects all Nigerians regardless of faith. The ORFA data poses an equally simple question in response:

If violence is truly indiscriminate, why are Christians 6.5 times more likely to be killed and 5.1 times more likely to be abducted than Muslims, when population size is accounted for? Why does one militia group kill Christians at double the rate it kills Muslims? Why are Security Forces absent from the regions where Christians face the greatest danger?

Ayuba suggests that “groups who know what they benefit from foreign interests” are exploiting Nigeria’s security crisis. But there’s a more uncomfortable possibility: that CAN itself, whether through political pressure, ethnic solidarity, or simple denial, has chosen institutional survival over prophetic witness.

When foreign governments threaten sanctions, CAN warns that “all of us will suffer.” Perhaps. But 22,361 Christians have already suffered the ultimate consequence. Their deaths deserve more than deflection. They deserve recognition. They deserve justice.

And they deserve better than a Christian organization that insists their persecution doesn’t exist.

Whereas CAN, under the presidency of General Muhammadu Buhari – a Fulani Muslim under whom Nigeria saw the proliferation of Islamist groups and more sympathy towards them than any resolve to eliminate them – cried to the international community about what practical indications revealed as a silent genocide against Christians, what could be any new data the present leadership of CAN have that made them deny an obvious genocide – especially at a strategic time when the US and other international observers are focusing on a call that has been on for over a decade?

The numbers are clear. The pattern is undeniable. The Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa has done the painstaking work of documenting what CAN refuses to acknowledge. And with ORFA’s forthcoming six-year report (October 2019 to September 2025) the question becomes more urgent: Why is the Christian Association of Nigeria working so hard not to see it?

Full ORFA report (Oct.2019-Sept.2023) with methodology available at www.orfa.africa. Six-year report (Oct.2019-Sept.2025) forthcoming.

Between Closure and Disclosure: The Bitter Truth About Christian Genocide in Nigeria

by

Moses Oludele Idowu

Few days ago the Canadian Parliament in a resolution described Nigeria “as one of the worst places on Earth for a Christian to live.” It came as a rude shock to Nigerian government because their officials rarely follow international commentaries and journals. There was nothing new in that resolution actually.

For years now the _World Watch List_ ( a reputable annual publication of Open Doors International organization that monitors persecution of Christians worldwide) has consistently maintained that Nigeria, especially Northern Nigeria, is one of the worst places now on earth to be a Christian. I reviewed one of these reports during the Buhari regime. These reports are filed with parliaments across the world.

Recently too, popular American comedian Bill Maher also confirmed the reality of genocide in Nigeria. “I am not a Christian but they are systematically killing Christians in Nigeria. They’ve killed over a hundred thousand since 2009. They’ve burnt 18,000 churches. These are the Islamists, Boko Haram. This is so much more of a genocide attempt than what is going on in Gaza. They are literally attempting to wipe out the Christian population of an entire country.”

Adding to the flame, congressman Riley More of West Virginia 2nd District has written to Marco Rubio, US Secretary of State urging him to designate Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) halting all arms sales and technical support. His counterpart in the Senate, Texas senator Ted Cruz has accused the Nigerian government of “ignoring and even facilitating the mass murder of Christians by Islamist jihadists.”

In the light of what has been happening in Benue and Plateau states in particular can these allegations be faulted? Cruz also alleged that NIgerian Christians are being targeted and executed for their faith by Islamist terrorist groups “being forced to submit to Sharia Law and blasphemy laws across Nigeria. It is long past time to impose real costs on the Nigeria officials who facilitate these activities….”

Again I ask, in the light of experiences of Deborah Samuel, Leah Sharibu, etc., the closing of all public schools for Ramadan; has Cruz lied against Nigeria? Ted Cruz has therefore on the basis of these introduced a bill to the Senate, Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act which would target the public officials responsible for these policies with powerful sanctions and other tools.

Expectedly, these actions and steps have jolted Nigerian Government out of its slumber. There is no doubt that the Federal Government was rattled by the report of accusing the nation of genocide against Christians. Spirited attempts and means have been deployed to deny the allegations and dismiss the insinuations. Still they won’t go away rather like mortar to brick, they stick.

Aides, lackeys, honchos of the party and even “useful idiots” from the Christian Association of Nigeria have been engaged to whitewash the stain off government with hyssop; still to no avail.

I do not blame the government. Genocide is a serious thing to be accused of before the international community.

First the Minister of Information tried his best to denounce the allegations and dismiss the whole label as the work of enemies and overzealous haters of the administration and its “good works.” The usual platitudes of tolerance for all religions, and religious freedoms while denying the terrible underbelly of continuous pain and tears among selected groups who have waited for government interventions for years without success and to no avail.

It is my purpose in this investigation to present the facts as they are and leave the readers to judge for themselves. Is there indeed genocide against Christians in Nigeria or is it merely fictional? And are the Americans being overzealous and weeping more than the bereaved as Femi Fani-Kayode seemed to suggest in his response?

It is so amazing that we are so reactive as a people rather than been proactive. And this debility has infected even our government. Americans are being blamed, CNN is being blamed as if they just woke up from slumber or because we supported Gaza during the last United Nations Assembly. – as Fani-Kayode so shamelessly suggested. I do not agree with these propositions.

Long before America dabbled into our affairs Nigerians themselves have called attention to ongoing genocide in Benue and Plateau states.

In July 2023 Bishop Wilfred Anagbe of Makurdi in a testimony to the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs stated:

“The inaction and silence about our plight by both the ( Nigerian) government and powerful stakeholders all over the world prompts me to often conclude that there is a conspiracy of silence and a strong desire to just watch the Islamists get away with genocide in Benue State and others parts of Nigeria.” ( _Catholic Culture_ , July 24, 2023)

Two years later the same bishop in an interview with _ACI AFRICA_ noted that since 2018 he has shutdown some 17 parishes due to killings and systematic campaigns of territorial conquest. “No nation watches her citizens slaughtered like animals and says there is nothing to be done. It’s genocide.”
This is not an American talking and not a Canadian but a Nigerian bishop in Makurdi who is an eyewitness and a victim. Can we, in all honesty fault what he has said? In the light of what we know about Benue State has this bishop told a lie?
In March 12, 2025 the same bishop again appealed to the US House Foreign Affairs Committee, African Subcommittee to redesignate Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) owing to increased Islamist attacks against Christians. He details the persecution of Christians especially in Northern and Central regions of Nigeria where there is a manifest agenda “to reduce and eventually eliminate the Christian identity” of the country.He then concluded by saying, “Concretely I request and I plead, I ask you to redesignate Nigeria as a country of particular concern. This has practical and diplomatic meaning…”

The claim of genocide against Nigeria and the double standard often displayed by security agencies have been made by others even within the country. On April 17, 2025 CAN President, Daniel Okoh described the attacks in Bokkos and Bassa Local Government Areas of Plateau State as ” premeditated vicious acts of genocide” against indigenous Christian communities. [ See _BusinessDay_ April 17, 2025 ]

As usual the government response to all these is to be dismissive and mouth the same worn- out cliches and jaded old tales of tolerance, neutrality, freedom of religion and worship. These mask the insincerity of government and a proof that something sinister is underneath because it fails to address the real issues.

*Pattern of Attacks*

A common defense which usually provides a convenient narrative from government and its many apologists and “useful idiots” is the allusion to the pattern of attacks by insurgents. They claim the attacks do not show any pattern and all Nigerians have been attacked by insurgents without any discrimination.

The CAN national spokesman, one Abimbola Ayuba employed this tactic in his defense. “The pattern of killings has truly not been in a particular pattern,” _Punch_ reported him as saying.

That is not true and he knows in his heart and I will soon show the figures putting a lie to his statement.
“If they open fire in a market place the bullets don’t look for a Christian or spare a Muslim or even spare a baby…” rambled CAN spokesman Abimbola Ayuba to _Guardian_ newspaper. How about that? But Yelwata, where Fulani militia operated for hours killing over 200 without resistance from state security agencies, is not a market place; it is a residential community. Agatu, Bokkos, Bassa where Christians die daily are not market places but residential communities and where people live especially people of a particular Faith. Then there is a pattern.

How many of these militia men have been arrested and brought to book?

Why do the security agencies always maintained that the local vigilantes in these Christian areas cannot carry sophisticated guns like their attackers and refused to defend them claiming they have not received orders to engage? Isn’t that suggestive of genocide? When you refused to defend a people from sophisticated terrorists and you disable them from defending themselves what do you call that?

Abimbola added to his folly when he said: “Why run to America when you have a Senate here where you can file your petition?”
And if we may ask him, how many of the petitions filed by the besieged Christian communities in Benue and Plateau States and by their Development Associations and representatives have been successfully addressed by your Senate? Obviously they had stopped teaching Logic when you went to school or you didn’t learn well. It is so sad that CAN is now loaded with government apologists, fifth columnists and agents.

Sometimes I wonder reading press releases from CAN whether it was written by even Muslims or Aso Rock. I wrote years ago that this Association should be dissolved because it seems to have been hijacked by politicians and has therefore outlived its usefulness. Now I am vindicated.

Femi Fani-Kayode has spoken in similar vein. He believes that all Nigerians are facing genocide not just Christians. That makes it even worse for the government, if it is so. For he has thus charged Nigerian Government of gross irresponsibility. This is not a defense, it is an indictment. If all Nigerians are facing genocide why has Nigerian officials not asked for help from other nations and why is Nigeria crying and making case against Palestinian genocide at the United Nations Assembly when her own people are facing worse genocide at home? It is criminal irresponsibility and dereliction of duty. What responsible man goes out trying to put out fire in another man’s house while his own house with his children are on bigger conflagration?

Contrary to the lies and puerile and asinine logic of absence of discernible pattern in the attacks and killings there is indeed a pattern for anyone who can see, whose eyes have not been blinded by cataract as a result of politician’s filthy lucre and government’s cash transfusions. The figures tell the true story and these are figures from several reputable international observers and organisations and their is a common agreement in what they say. And curiously the natives of.these communities agree with what they say. Unfortunately even the press is compromised.
On a peripheral and surface level it appears the attacks are mindless and patternless but when viewed carefully, the nature and consistency of attacks, the response from the authority to these show a different picture.
It is true that there are critical insecurity challenges in most Northern states especially the Northeast and Northwest but often these are results of age-long misgivings and frictions between Hausa farmers and Fulani pastoralists occasioned by several factors. The Fulanis are mostly pastoralists while Hausas are mostly farmers on land. But these cannot be compared with what is happening and has been happening in Benue and Plateau States and, to some degrees, Taraba which are dominantly Christian states. Is this a coincidence?
Two, why are civilian vigilantes in the core North allowed to carry sophisticated arms to defend their communities and themselves but the same privilege is not accorded those in Benue and Plateau where there has been more bloodshed? Can anyone explain this?
Can anyone compare the statistics in other areas of the North with what is happening and has happened in Benue and Plateau states and Southern Kaduna in the past 10 years especially since these jihadists of APC took over the rein of government in Nigeria? The facts speak for themselves unless when we want to lie.

*Let The Figures Speak*

The _World Watch List_ , a publication of Open Doors International that measures and monitors Christian persecution around the world noted that in 2024 alone 3100 Christians were killed. These are killings targeted for the sake of belief and Faith. The report admitted that it is even lower compared to previous years.
The _International Christian Concern_ designate Nigeria a country of particular concern where persecution of Christians take place. Thus putting Nigeria in the same big league with North Korea, Saudi Arabia, etc.
Genocide or persecution encourages migration because people are bound to flee from zones of danger. Thus the pattern of migration can be indicative of the level of extreme persecution and killings in a particular region. Whatever forces people to leave their ancestral homes, houses and towns as it is currently happening in my dear Igbomina Land must be serious.
Now what does the statistics show? According to _International Organization for Migration (_ IOM) an estimate of 3.3 million Nigerians (i.e., three million, three hundred thousand) have been internally displaced. Now the same organization noted that of these sum almost half ( 1.5 million) has been displaced in Benue State alone. It also admitted that in Plateau State another Christian State, dozens of communities have been overrun in Bokkos, Riyom, Bakin Ladi and Mangu Local Government Areas and their farmland seized and lost. So even the remaining now face the threat of hunger and food shortage.

The _Christian International Solidarity_ ( CIS) detailed series of killings by Fulani militia men in Plateau State. The Nigerian manager has noted in his reports continuous massacres with details and specific beyond any exaggerations. “Since I arrived Jos, Plateau State there has been an attack on Christian villages every night. His log book and report read like those of observers or Red Cross agents in war-torn Somalia or Rwanda during turmoil except that this is Nigeria and our government wants us to believe that all is well. Here is a sample:

“March 27: Massacre of 12 mourners at a funeral in Ruwi village with a gang rape of 19- year old woman.

April 2: Killing of Anglican pastor Ezekiel Gama by Fulani militia. His wife, Naomi Ezekiel Gama sighted the men and hid.

April 13, Palm Sunday: Deadliest massacre in Zike village of Bassa Local Government leading to the death of 56 people including 15 children and displacing 2000 people.

April 15: I visited some victims at Jos University Teaching Hospital. Three people died in the hospital that day. The majority of the victims had been hacked on the back of their necks with machetes. ”

Despite the presence of the military the CSI’ s president, Dr. John Elbner noted there has been “no effective intervention..” Now what do you call these premeditated killings without state intervention? It is genocide.
Unfortunately your compromised press won’t report this.

Let us come nearer home. According to _International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law, Inter- Society,_ 2200 Christians were allegedly killed by Fulani herdsmen, Boko Haram, security personnel and other jihadist, bandits in several states of Nigeria between January and December 2020
They further did a breakdown:

Fulani herdsmen: 1300
Boko Haram/ Splinter groups ISWAP, Ansaru. (500)
NIgerian Army (200)
Jihadist/ bandits. (100)

Further breakdown per state and region shows a pattern which some say they couldn’t see.

Southern Kaduna (455)
Benue State (200)
Plateau State (173)
Southwest (35)
Niger State ( 70)
Kogi ( 55)
Nassarawa (42)
Delta. (20)
Bayelsa (4)
Adamawa (40)
Igboland (40)
Taraba ( 32)
Edo (15)

For those who say there is no pattern in the killings, it depends on where they are looking. Sure there has been widespread killings but it is concentrated in some areas and more pronounced in certain communities which are curiously dominantly Christian. In the Southwest for instance the only state that has been attacked more than the others is Ondo State; the only State where traditional rulers have been killed in the Southwest is Ekiti State. Curiously these are the two dominant Christian states in the region. How else is it true to say there is no pattern in the killings?

A high- powered fact- finding committee set up by Plateau State Government and headed by a Major General (retd) Nicholas Rogers on the tragedies that have befallen the state. The committee submitted its report this penultimate week and its findings are substantial and tragic:

In two decades they found out that no fewer than 420 communities ( _Daily Newshub_ says 450) across 13 Local Government Areas have been destroyed and desolate, 11, 749 people killed in two decades of violence. It also noted:

35% destruction of livestock
32.5% displacement of communities
16.8% destruction of food supplies
9.9% destruction of houses
3.4% illegal land occupation. [ See _Daily Newshub_ 21, September, 2025; _Salientnewsonline.com_ ]
How many are standing trial for these atrocities? None. The House of Representatives member from Plateau State informed the House that 55 communities in his Federal Constituency have been occupied by foreign Fulanis who are now dwelling there. Did the House do anything? Did they summon the army to go and dislodge them? This is why the response from CAN is so disappointing.

A journalist, Steven Kefas who was imprisoned in Kaduna for his writings expressed shock because he never found a single Fulani in the prison for all their atrocities in Southern Kaduna which they even publicly admitted. On the other hand what he found made him sick. He found innocent vigilantes from Southern Kaduna whose only offense was trying to defend their communities. That was their crimes. The serious Fulani prisoners he found brought for other crimes were even looking better fed than him coming from outside. That is Nigeria.
That is the colour of genocide.

Our government has beaten about the bush for too long. The people in Benue and Plateau States who are daily killed and in Southern Kaduna who are constrained from defending themselves from attack are also humans. An army is claiming it has not received orders to attack the assailants yet the same army is stopping the vigilantes from carrying high-grade weapons to confront the hooligans and even arresting them for merely protesting, as we saw in Igbomina Land. What do you call that? When you make people vulnerable to attack from parasitic barbarians from the jungle and leave them defenceless the very people whose tax pay your salaries and drive the convoy in your presidential fleet then that is not just enemy action. It is outright betrayal. When you made people incapable of defending themselves through devious schemes and legislation and selective enforcement of laws and deployment of security agencies thus rendering them vulnerable to murderous jihadist mobs it is not just betrayal or enemy action. It is premeditated killings by instalment. It is genocide.
I love Nigeria but I don’t love her more than God or Truth. What is going on in Nigeria in the last 10 years is a scandal and it must not be denied or trivialized in anyway.
It has come to the stage that the whole world need to see what is happening in Nigeria. In all my life I have never heard or read of any nation where soldiers of a National Army watch while legitimate citizens are being attacked and they refused to act because they have “not been ordered to engage” the assailants. Only in Nigeria. The world must hear that and why this only happens when it concerns a particular ethnic nationality and its deadly militia.
The world must now hear. We have pretended enough about patriotism – the usual refuge of the scoundrels. It is not patriotism to obscure the truth that meant loss of lives for entire people groups. Strangers are now occupying whole communities while the owners of the land are in IDPs camps. Killers, jihadists, terrorists and genocidists are being rehabilitated and furnished in the misbegotten name of “de-radicalisation” while the owners of the land and victims of their atrocities are neglected, hunger- bitten and cold- bitten in IDP Camps. The world must now hear. That is not being unpatriotic.
Let the truth be told: there is Christian genocide in Nigeria. And it must now stop.

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October 8, 2025
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Colin Ikin’s Half-Billion Dollar Failure: A Cautionary Tale for Nigeria’s Mining Ambition

By Steven Kefas 

When Atlantic Mining CEO Colin Ikin walked into a high-profile meeting with the Kaduna State government in May 2025, promising a $300 million investment in the state’s solid minerals industry, officials likely saw dollar signs and job creation opportunities. This wasn’t Ikin’s first foray into Nigerian mining opportunities—in June 2024, he had visited Nasarawa State, meeting with Commissioner of Environment and Natural Resources, Hon. Kwanta Yakubu, to discuss establishing what he described as a “multi-million dollar lithium processing company.” The Australian mining executive painted a picture of economic transformation, positioning his company as a catalyst for diversifying Nigeria’s economy beyond oil dependency. But beneath the polished presentation and impressive financial commitments lies a cautionary tale that should give Nigerian authorities pause—one that underscores the critical importance of thorough background checks before opening the nation’s mineral wealth to foreign investors.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads in its economic development. With abundant mineral resources including gold, tin, lithium, coal, limestone, and rare earth elements scattered across its 36 states, the country possesses the raw materials to become a mining powerhouse. The federal government’s aggressive push to diversify from oil revenues has created unprecedented opportunities in the solid minerals sector. However, this gold rush atmosphere has also attracted a mix of genuine investors and opportunistic operators, making due diligence not just advisable but essential for protecting national interests.

A Multi-State Mining Campaign

Ikin’s Nigerian mining ambitions extend beyond Kaduna State. His June 2024 visit to Nasarawa State reveals a calculated strategy to establish footholds across multiple Nigerian states rich in mineral resources. During his meeting with Commissioner Yakubu, Ikin positioned himself as the managing director of “Atlantic Mining Techniques Ltd,” describing his company as “a Nigerian mining company” focused on the state’s lithium deposits.

Commissioner Yakubu’s Facebook post captured the optimistic tone of the meeting: “I welcomed Mr. Colin Ikin, Managing Director of Atlantic Mining Techniques Ltd, to Nasarawa State. Mr. Ikin’s visit is in connection with the potential establishment of a multi-million dollar lithium processing company in the state. This aligns with the industrialization agenda of His Excellency, Engr. Abdullahi A. Sule, Executive Governor of Nasarawa State.”

Ikin’s own comments during the Nasarawa visit echo the grandiose promises that characterized his Preston Resources era. “So my name is Colin Ikin, I’m the managing director of Atlantic Mining Techniques in Abuja. We are a Nigerian mining company and are here in Nasarawa today to look at this well-administered state that is endowed with some fantastic riches. At the moment we are looking at Lithium outcrops, of which there are many. I think this is a very exciting opportunity for us and for Nasarawa state,” he declared.

The pattern is familiar: identify mineral-rich locations, often discovered or already held by others, meet with government officials, make expansive promises about investment and job creation, and position projects as transformative opportunities. What’s concerning is how closely this mirrors the promotional strategy that preceded the Preston Resources disaster.

A Pattern of Spectacular Failure

Colin Ikin’s mining career in Australia reads like a masterclass in how not to manage large-scale mining operations. As executive chairman of Preston Resources, Ikin presided over what financial columnist Trevor Sykes(has won eight national awards and written eight books in his illustrious 61 years of journalism) described as one of the worst corporate disasters in modern Australian mining history—a spectacular collapse that wiped out nearly $750 million in investor funds and left a trail of financial devastation.

The Preston Resources saga began in the late 1990s when the company, under Ikin’s leadership, owned the Marlborough lateritic nickel deposit in Queensland. With shares trading at $1.90 and a market capitalization of $80 million, Preston appeared positioned for growth. However, Ikin’s decision to acquire the Bulong nickel project from Resolute Resources for $319 million—money the company didn’t have—would prove catastrophic.

The acquisition itself was structured in a way that left shareholders with little choice. Preston committed to a $10 million break fee to Resolute if the deal was rejected, but the company only had $2 million in the bank at the time. Shareholders were effectively held hostage by their own board’s commitments. Ikin’s promotional materials painted Bulong as “an outstanding opportunity,” promising initial output of 9,000 tonnes of nickel annually and describing Preston as “poised to become a significant international nickel producer.”

The reality proved starkly different. The Bulong plant never met production forecasts, cash flow projections failed to materialize, and Preston found itself in default to lenders for more than a year. By 2000, the company had accumulated losses of $497 million, with liabilities exceeding assets by $430 million. The Bulong plant was written down by $224 million, exploration expenditures were completely written off, and shareholders were entirely wiped out.

Perhaps most telling was the aftermath: Preston’s board, including Ikin, proposed handing over 95% of Bulong to note holders in exchange for debt relief, leaving the company with assets worth just $787,000 against liabilities of $5 million. Investors who had paid $1.50 per share to support the Bulong purchase were, in Sykes’ memorable phrase, “financially disembowelled.”

From Collapse to Opportunity

The financial press reported that after Preston’s collapse, Ikin had “quickly fallen on his feet with a new overseas gold project and a fashionable address in the south of France.” This pattern—moving from one jurisdiction to another after corporate failure—raises red flags that Nigerian authorities should carefully consider. The fact that Ikin emerged from a half-billion-dollar corporate disaster to pursue new mining ventures overseas suggests either remarkable resilience or concerning opportunism.

Industry sources who spoke on condition of anonymity have raised troubling questions about Ikin’s current operations. “Colin Ikin’s record of failure in mining is well documented by authorities in Australia,” said one mining title holder familiar with his background. “His pattern is to make grand promises, raise capital, and then struggle to deliver on projections.”

More concerning are allegations from mining sector players who claim Ikin may have used improper means to gain access to Nigerian mining opportunities. While these remain unverified allegations, they highlight the need for robust vetting processes. “There are questions about whether he has the financial backing he claims,” noted another industry source. “Nigeria can’t afford to hand over mineral assets to operators who lack both the capital and competence to develop them properly.”

Nigeria’s Mining Imperative

Nigeria’s push to develop its mining sector represents more than economic diversification—it’s a strategic necessity. With oil revenues volatile and global energy transitions underway, the country needs alternative economic pillars. The solid minerals sector offers immense potential: Nigeria possesses 44 different types of minerals across 500 locations, with estimated reserves worth over $700 billion.

However, transforming this potential into reality requires partners with proven track records of successful project delivery. The mining industry is notoriously capital-intensive and technically complex, demanding expertise in geology, engineering, environmental management, and community relations. Failed mining projects don’t just waste investment capital—they can cause lasting environmental damage, displace communities, and poison relationships between government and investors.

The Kaduna and Nasarawa state governments’ enthusiasm for Ikin’s proposed investments is understandable. The promise of hundreds of millions in investment, lithium processing facilities, and job creation is attractive for states seeking economic development. However, the Preston Resources debacle demonstrates that ambitious promises from mining executives don’t always translate into operational success.

The Due Diligence Imperative

Nigerian authorities at federal and state levels must implement rigorous due diligence processes before approving major mining investments. This should include comprehensive background checks on company executives, verification of claimed financial resources, technical audits of proposed mining methods, and environmental impact assessments.

The Australian Securities Exchange and financial media provide extensive documentation of Preston Resources’ collapse, offering Nigerian authorities a clear picture of Ikin’s previous performance. Australian regulatory bodies and industry associations can provide additional insights into his reputation and capabilities. Such information is publicly available and should be mandatory reading for any Nigerian official considering mining partnerships.

Furthermore, Nigerian authorities should demand proof of funding before approving mining licenses. Letters of intent and preliminary agreements are insufficient—actual capital commitments from verified financial institutions should be required. The Preston Resources case shows how companies can leverage debt and equity markets to fund operations they cannot sustain, leaving investors and host communities to bear the costs when projects fail.

Building Mining Excellence

Nigeria’s mining sector development requires partners who bring not just capital but proven expertise in sustainable mining practices. The country needs investors who understand that successful mining projects require long-term commitment, community engagement, environmental stewardship, and technical excellence.

Countries like Ghana, Botswana, and South Africa have built successful mining industries by carefully selecting international partners and insisting on high operational standards. Nigeria can follow similar models, but only if it maintains rigorous standards for foreign investment approval.

The solid minerals sector represents Nigeria’s best opportunity to create an economy less dependent on oil revenues. However, this transformation requires careful stewardship of mineral resources and partnerships with operators who have demonstrated competence in managing large-scale mining operations.

The Path Forward

As Nigerian authorities evaluate Atlantic Mining’s proposals and other foreign mining investments, they must balance the urgent need for economic diversification against the imperative of protecting national resources. The Colin Ikin story serves as a powerful reminder that impressive presentations and ambitious financial commitments mean little without the track record and resources to deliver results.

Nigeria’s minerals belong to its people and future generations. Handing them over to operators with histories of corporate failure—regardless of their promotional skills or political connections—would represent a betrayal of the national trust. Due diligence isn’t just good governance; it’s essential for ensuring that Nigeria’s mining revolution creates lasting prosperity rather than expensive disappointment.

The choice facing Nigerian authorities is clear: rush into partnerships with questionable operators and risk repeating the Preston Resources disaster on Nigerian soil, or implement rigorous vetting processes that attract genuine investors capable of unlocking the country’s mineral wealth responsibly. The stakes are too high for anything less than excellence in partner selection.

The gold rush mentality that has gripped Nigeria’s mining sector must be tempered with wisdom learned from other countries’ experiences. Australia’s mining industry, despite its overall success, is littered with failed projects and collapsed companies. Nigeria can avoid similar pitfalls by learning from these failures and demanding higher standards from potential partners.

As Colin Ikin and Atlantic Mining await decisions from Nigerian authorities in Kaduna, Nasarawa, and potentially other states, the question isn’t whether Nigeria needs foreign investment in mining—it clearly does. The question is whether the country will settle for any investor willing to make promises, or insist on partners with the competence and resources to keep them. With Ikin’s multi-state campaign already underway, Nigeria’s economic future may well depend on getting this calculation right.

Steven Kefas is mining and mineral resources enthusiast and writes from Kaduna state

Transforming Kaduna’s Revenue Landscape: Comrade Jerry Adams’ Visionary Leadership at KADIRS

In the heart of Kaduna State, a quiet revolution is reshaping the financial future of the region, led by the dynamic and innovative Comrade Jerry Adams, Executive Chairman of the Kaduna State Internal Revenue Service (KADIRS). Since assuming the role of acting executive chairman in July 2023, this seasoned tax administrator has spearheaded groundbreaking initiatives that have redefined revenue administration in Nigeria’s northern region.

Record-Breaking Performance

Adams’ strategic foresight and commitment to transformative governance have propelled Kaduna’s Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) to unprecedented heights. Under his astute leadership, KADIRS has not only solidified its position as Northern Nigeria’s highest revenue-generating state but has also set new benchmarks for fiscal transparency and accountability, achieving N62.49 billion in 2023, N70 billion in 2024, and targeting an ambitious N112 billion for 2025.

Early indicators suggest this ambitious target is achievable, with January and February 2025 alone recording collections of N14.16 billion. His leadership is marked by a blend of technological innovation, financial inclusion, and a people-centric approach that has revitalized the state’s economy and restored public trust in KADIRS.

Innovation-Driven Solutions

Recognizing that major sources of revenue for the state have dried up, Adams has championed groundbreaking technological solutions. In May 2024, KADIRS launched two transformative platforms: Project CRAFT and the PayKaduna Portal.

Project CRAFT, which stands for Cross-Systems for Revenue Administration and Fiscal Transparency, marks the beginning of a new era in revenue generation and management for Kaduna State. The Central Data Repository (CDR) established under Project CRAFT ensures secure, state-owned management of taxpayer data, enabling informed decision-making and strategic planning.

The PayKaduna Portal allows residents and businesses to pay taxes remotely, fostering a seamless, transparent process that has significantly boosted voluntary tax compliance. The chairman emphasized that these initiatives represent not just technology but a transformative approach to governance, allowing the state to leverage advanced data analytics and automation to enhance revenue generation capacity, curb leakages, and improve service delivery.

Business-Friendly Policies and Economic Impact

Comrade Adams’ innovative horizontal expansion of the tax base, as opposed to increasing tax rates, has created a business-friendly environment that encourages economic growth. This strategy has attracted companies to invest in the state. A typical example is the $50 million Soya Bean Oil Refining Plant investment by Sunagrow International Oil Limited.

Governor Uba Sani’s administration, under Adams’ guidance, has embraced a “Tax for Service” motto, with visible projects in road construction, education, and rural transformation demonstrating the tangible impact of increased revenue. Adam’s enforcement of tax compliance, such as addressing Kaduna Electric’s N600 million tax liability, reflects his unwavering commitment to equitable taxation without burdening the poor.

Jerry Adams brings over 23 years of professional experience as a seasoned tax administrator, chartered accountant, business development expert, and marketer. His appointment as Executive Chairman built upon his previous role as Executive Director of Corporate Services, where he demonstrated exceptional competence in revenue administration.

Building Interstate Collaboration

Adams’ expertise has gained recognition beyond Kaduna’s borders. In July 2024, the Katsina State Internal Revenue Service delegation visited KADIRS for a peer review engagement, with Adams promising to share necessary information to propel the sister agency’s performance. He has also hosted delegations from organizations like the Danube Institute, fostering knowledge-sharing and regional collaboration.

His collaboration with the Code of Conduct Bureau in June 2025 underscores his dedication to ethical standards within KADIRS, positioning Kaduna as a leader in innovative tax administration. This demonstrates the national significance of Kaduna’s revenue transformation model.

Addressing Contemporary Challenges

The KADIRS chairman has been transparent about the fiscal realities facing Nigerian states. He acknowledged that traditional revenue sources have dried up, necessitating out-of-the-box innovations to identify revenue potential and block leakages. This honest assessment has informed the strategic pivot toward technology-driven solutions.

The PayKaduna Portal specifically addresses taxpayer convenience, providing seamless payment processes across the state. This digital approach reduces bureaucratic bottlenecks while ensuring transparency in revenue collection and management.

Strategic Vision and Future Outlook

Adams’ leadership philosophy centers on fiscal transparency and accountability. The Cross-Systems approach embedded in Project CRAFT creates interconnected revenue administration processes, minimizing human interference and potential corruption while maximizing collection efficiency.

His strategic focus on data analytics represents a paradigm shift from traditional tax administration methods. By leveraging technology, KADIRS can identify previously untapped revenue sources, track compliance patterns, and provide predictive insights for policy formulation.

Impact on Governance

The revenue transformation under Adams’ leadership has broader implications for Kaduna State’s development trajectory. Increased IGR provides the state government with greater fiscal autonomy and capacity to fund critical infrastructure and social programs without excessive dependence on federal allocations.

The initiatives leverage advanced data analytics and automation to enhance revenue collection, curb leakages, and improve service delivery, creating a multiplier effect that benefits citizens through improved public services.

Looking Ahead

As KADIRS pursues its ambitious N112 billion target for 2025, Adams’ leadership continues to emphasize sustainable revenue growth through innovation and stakeholder engagement. The success story of Kaduna’s revenue transformation offers valuable lessons for other states seeking to optimize their internally generated revenue.

Under Comrade Jerry Adams’ stewardship, KADIRS has evolved from a conventional tax collection agency into a modern, technology-driven revenue administration system. This transformation positions Kaduna State as a model for fiscal innovation in Nigeria’s evolving economic landscape, demonstrating that strategic leadership and technological adoption can overcome traditional revenue challenges.

The journey ahead promises continued innovation as Adams and his team work toward making Kaduna a reference point for efficient, transparent, and citizen-friendly revenue administration across Nigeria.

Nigeria’s Broken Promise: When Citizens Must Become the Change

By Eke Chioma

Nigeria’s status as the “Giant of Africa” has become increasingly difficult to reconcile with its current realities. Once a nation of immense potential, today’s Nigeria struggles with an unstable economy, rampant insecurity, and political turmoil. Throughout March, the country has resembled an ungoverned space where accountability seems optional—particularly for the elite.

While Nigeria technically has a robust legal framework, there’s a striking disparity in how these laws are applied. The wealthy and politically connected operate with near impunity, while ordinary citizens bear the full weight of the system. Politicians demonstrate a willingness to go to extraordinary lengths to maintain their grip on power and resources, turning the nation into what feels like a theater of the absurd where both politicians and citizens play predetermined roles.

Many Nigerians now wonder if the country can ever reclaim its former stability. The answer lies squarely with its citizens. Each day brings fresh headlines about economic collapse and spiraling inflation, yet the populace largely responds with resigned acceptance—a quality once celebrated as resilience but increasingly exploited by leadership. This silence enables continued corruption and mismanagement, with dissenting voices quickly silenced through intimidation.

The recent case of Raye exemplifies this troubling pattern. After speaking out about economic hardships and questioning government accountability, she faced threats from NYSC officials—a disturbing reminder that constitutional rights to free expression often exist only on paper. Such incidents should catalyze a movement against corrupt governance, yet the response remains fragmented.

More distressing is how some Nigerians actively defend the status quo despite personally suffering under it. For a nominal sum—as little as two thousand naira—citizens will publicly support politicians working against their interests. During the recent Akpabio-Natasha controversy, women mobilized to defend Akpabio, raising questions about whether such demonstrations represented genuine support or purchased loyalty.

Nigeria’s political trajectory reveals a troubling cycle. During Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, despite relative currency stability and affordable fuel, many Nigerians demanded change—primarily due to security concerns with Boko Haram. This led to Buhari’s election, under whose leadership the economy deteriorated, the naira weakened, and insecurity expanded beyond the northeast. Farmers were killed or kidnapped on their land, and police brutality reached unprecedented levels, culminating in the ENDSARS protests. The government’s violent response on October 20, 2020, resulted in bloodshed rather than reform.

Yet this tragedy failed to break the cycle. The 2023 elections brought Tinubu to power, whose immediate removal of fuel subsidies triggered an economic nightmare. Living costs have skyrocketed, with the middle class sliding into poverty and minimum wage insufficient to purchase basic necessities like a bag of rice. Meanwhile, politicians continue their luxurious lifestyles, taking expensive trips and educating their children abroad while businesses collapse, hunger spreads, and crime rates surge as citizens pursue survival by any means necessary.

Perhaps most frustrating is the predictability of Nigeria’s political narrative. Each administration seems to follow the same failed playbook, with no genuine commitment to progress or national development. Even younger generations can recognize this pattern, while older Nigerians who have witnessed this cycle repeatedly often choose resigned silence.

The uncomfortable truth is that Nigeria will not improve through passive hope or incremental adjustments. Meaningful change requires collective action—challenging though it may be. Citizens must vocally hold politicians and leadership accountable for their failures. Silence has proven ineffective as a strategy for change. If Nigerians truly desire a different future, they must be willing to make noise.

Eke Chioma is a student of Mass communication at The Nigeria Television College Jos..

Celebrating Excellence: Congratulations to Mr. Luka Binniyat on His Appointment as National PRO of the Middle Belt Forum

The Middle Belt Times is thrilled to extend heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Luka Binniyat on his recent appointment as the National Public Relations Officer (PRO) of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF). This well-deserved appointment is a testament to his unwavering dedication, exceptional leadership, and tireless advocacy for the Middle Belt region.

Mr. Binniyat, a seasoned journalist and former National Spokesman for the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU), has consistently demonstrated a deep commitment to amplifying the voices of the marginalized and addressing the challenges faced by the Middle Belt. His elevation to this key role within the MBF is not only a personal achievement but also a significant milestone for the Forum and the region as a whole.

As the newly confirmed National PRO, Mr. Binniyat brings a wealth of experience, a strong communication acumen, and a passion for justice and development. His leadership is expected to strengthen the Forum’s public engagement efforts and further its mission to advocate for the rights and progress of the Middle Belt people.

The Middle Belt Times joins the entire Middle Belt family in celebrating this remarkable achievement. We are confident that Mr. Binniyat’s tenure will be marked by impactful initiatives, innovative strategies, and a renewed sense of unity for the region.

Once again, congratulations, Mr. Luka Binniyat! Your appointment is a beacon of hope and a call to action for all who believe in the potential of the Middle Belt. Here’s to a future filled with progress, collaboration, and success.

Long live the Middle Belt!

Celebrating a Global Icon: Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah at 72

Middle Belt Times Special Feature

Today, we at the Middle Belt Times join the chorus of voices from around the globe to celebrate the remarkable life and legacy of Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, a man whose influence knows no bounds. As he turns 72, we reflect on the profound impact he has had on our nation, our continent, and the world at large.

Bishop Kukah is not just a spiritual leader; he is a beacon of hope, a champion of justice, and a bridge-builder in a world often divided by conflict and mistrust. His tireless efforts in promoting peace, interfaith dialogue, and inclusive governance have earned him a place among the most respected leaders of our time.

Through The Kukah Centre, Bishop Kukah has created a legacy that will outlive his years. This platform stands as a testament to his vision of a united, compassionate, and inclusive society. It is a space where the ideals of leadership and service are nurtured, inspiring countless individuals to strive for the common good.

His voice, both gentle and powerful, has been a guiding light in the darkest of times. Bishop Kukah’s commitment to speaking truth to power has challenged us all to reflect on the values that define our humanity. His influence extends beyond the walls of the church, resonating in global arenas where his wisdom and vision are sought after by leaders and communities alike.

As a nation, we are proud of Bishop Kukah’s contributions to Nigeria and Africa. His leadership has strengthened faith across the continent, bringing people together in pursuit of peace and understanding. His work is a testament to the power of dedication and service, reminding us that true leadership is about humility, sacrifice, and an unwavering commitment to making the world a better place.

In these challenging times, Bishop Kukah remains a light of hope. His legacy is one of resilience, progress, and an unyielding belief in the potential for positive change. As we celebrate his 72nd birthday, we are honored to walk alongside him on this journey toward a more just and peaceful world.

Happy Birthday, Bishop Kukah. Your life and work inspire us all.

Samuel Ateh Stephen
Chief Technology Officer, Middle Belt Times