Nasarawa State governor, Abdullahi Sule, has raised the alarm over the influx of bandits fleeing from crisis spots in the Mangu Local Government Area of Plateau State.
The governor also raised alarm over the proliferation of illegal production of small arms and ammunition in the state.
Sule raised the alarm during an expanded security meeting held at the Government House, Lafia the state capital, with a view to addressing some emerging security threats in the state.
It was attended by security chiefs, selected local government chairmen and traditional rulers.
Daily Trust reports that intelligence reports located the bandits around Mangar and Ambaka areas in Wamba Local Government Area, as well as in Lafia East Development Area.
Our correspondent reports that part of the agenda of the security meeting included reviewing the movement of Fulani herders in areas bordering the neighbouring Benue State.
“Recently, there have been movements of herders, especially Fulani herders. This may not pose a big security challenge because they are moving to grazing areas but unfortunately, those areas are also problematic because they are at the border between Keana and Guma Local Government Area in Benue State.
“It will be a recipe for problems down the line and around the Tunga area which is our major concern,” the governor pointed out.
Sule commended security agencies operating in the state for carrying out operations in Akwanga and Kokona local government areas, which led to the arrest of a notorious kidnapper identified as Lagudi and some members of his gang.
The governor also commended the 177 Guards Brigade, Keffi, as well as the police for their efforts in curtailing the activities of the notorious Yan Shara cult group in Keffi.
He, however, called for additional efforts by the security agencies to further prevent the Yan Shara from relocating to other areas.
He called for steps to secure palaces of traditional rulers in the state.
Speaking to newsmen after the meeting, the state Commissioner of Police, Mohammed Baba Maiyaki, said security operatives were ready to nip the activities of the Yan Shara cult group.
Army Says Vigilantes Who Were Killed Were “Terrorists”
According to reports by Truth Newspaper, residents of Central Plateau State and human rights watchers from as far away as Washington, D.C. have expressed indignation over the execution of three neighborhood watchmen by Nigerian military.
The Nigerian military which did not dispute the deaths and declared on July 12 that the three armed individuals who were murdered in Panyam, a town 42 miles southeast of Jos, were terrorist bandits who set up an ambush in the Ampang East neighborhood of Mangu County.
However, Truth Nigeria is told by witnesses to the killings who chose not to give their names out of concern for reprisals that the young men killed were valiantly fighting off terrorists. Locals refer to them as “vigilantes,” but they are actually neighborhood watchmen who only defend their towns with weapons when they are attacked.
During a normal patrol, the vigilantes were attacked after getting off a broken-down motorcycle on a nearby roadway, according to the witnesses. Since May 16, more than 350 people have died as a result of Islamic terrorist strikes across the Central Plateau counties, according to town authorities.
A leader of the Plateau State Assemblyman was compelled by the occurrence to demand a public investigation into the killings. In a one-on-one interview with Truth Nigeria, Del. Dewan K. Gabriel demanded “a thorough and impartial investigation into the alleged human rights violations committed by the Nigerian military in central Plateau State,” referring to what he called “the recent reported murder of three self-defense volunteers, who were shot while courageously protecting the villages from terrorists.”
“One thing is certain, the Nigerian military is not empowered to commit street-side execution of suspects whether they are terrorists or vigilantes,” said Dede Laugesen, executive director of Save the Persecuted Christians in a text to Truth Nigeria. “This case demands immediate international attention and review by the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial killings,” Laugesen added. “The embattled people of Plateau—mostly Christian populations enduring officially unrecognized Islamic jihad—deserve far more professional concern, compassion, and response from Nigerian security forces who unfortunately are often compromised and complicit with the terrorists bent on their exile and extermination.”
Gov. Mutfwang addresses military leaders directly
The Nigerian Army boasted of neutralizing three “bandits” after “gallantly fighting through an ambush” in Mangu on July 12, as the newly elected Governor of Plateau State, Caleb Mutfwang, met with the nation’s newly appointed Chief of Defense Staff (CDS), Christopher Musa, in Abuja to plead for an end to ongoing terror raids in the State.
On July 12, Mutfwang paid a personal visit to the CDS to appeal to the generals because he appeared to be tired of making public statements for the military to step in and put an end to the killings.
The army authorities in Abuja said they killed terrorists in the village of Perr and collected weapons in a statement released that day’s evening by their Director of Public Relations, Brigadier General Onyema Nwachukwu.
Residents of the neighborhood, which is in the Ampang East District of Mangu County, however, claimed to Truth Nigeria that the vigilantes posed no danger to them or the military and that they voluntarily surrendered when they were stopped by soldiers on a local highway.
“They were just pushing their motorcycle which had broken down during a routine patrol of the area,” said one witness on background for fear of retaliation by the military. “The soldiers bumped into them and arrested them without resistance,” the source said in a telephone interview. “They laid them down on the ground and shot them one after the other,” said the source.
Since huge attacks by radicalized mercenaries started setting Plateau towns on fire, dozens of neighborhood watchmen, sometimes known as “vigilantes,” have perished.
State in a wide area starting on May 12. Two vigilantes were buried five miles away at the time of the murder on July 12 at 2 p.m. local time, according to Jethro Jacob, a youth leader in Mangu. According to Jacob, the memorial service was held for two vigilantes who were killed in an ambush in the terror-infested village of Perr. But according to Jacob, the Secretary of the Mwagavul Youth Movement, a local tribe organization, their bodies had remained unburied at the scene because of persistent threats.
“We had to beg for the soldiers and police to give us protection to bury them,” said Jacob in a telephone interview. “All the people living in the village were displaced when they attacked and they are the ones controlling the area,” he said, refuting the military’s claim the three vigilantes killed on 12 July were terrorists. “There was no distress call whatsoever from that area. We are usually the first point of contact for the villagers, so if there was any problem, we will be the ones to relay it to the military. But there was nothing like that,” Jacob told Truth Nigeria.
“There was no distress call whatsoever from that area. We are usually the first point of contact for the villagers, so if there was any problem, we will be the ones to relay it to the military. But there was nothing like that,” Jacob told Truth Nigeria. “The terrorists have killed more than 350 of our people and taken over 50 of our villages in just two weeks. All along, the military never responded to any distress calls. Even when they did, they were either overpowered or unwilling to pursue them. But all of a sudden we hear of terrorists killed after a distress call. Something doesn’t seem right to me,” Jacob said.
“The terrorists have killed more than 350 of our people and taken over 50 of our villages in just two weeks. All along, the military never responded to any distress calls. Even when they did, they were either overpowered or unwilling to pursue them. But all of a sudden we hear of terrorists killed after a distress call. Something doesn’t seem right to me,” Jacob said.
Vigilantes Felled in Multiple Engagements Three days prior to the killing of the three vigilantes, 14 people including vigilantes were killed in the west of Mangu County. An evening attack by a band of 200 terrorists armed with assault rifles led to the killing of six vigilantes and eight other residents in Sabon Gari village according to witnesses. A group of 20 vigilantes battled in vain to push back the attack, which was preceded by a series of advance notices, including some by Truth Nigeria. The Nigerian authorities did nothing to prevent the attacks which later spread to the southwest of Jos the following day, killing nine other residents including a vigilante member, Truth Nigeria has reported. For persecuted Christians in Nigeria’s war-torn Middle Belt, their only hope for survival are the volunteer neighborhood-watch forces. These brave community members, often untrained and carrying homemade rifles, put their lives on the line every day, facing off against superior numbers of terrorists armed with assault rifles. Many have lost their lives in combat, paying the ultimate price for their bravery. But tragically, a growing number have been cut down deliberately by the Nigerian soldiers themselves, Truth Nigeria has learned. Solomon Dalyop, a human rights attorney told Truth Nigeria while the Nigerian laws prohibit the use of automatic firearms for self-defense, the increasing sophistication of the attacks has called for extreme measures. “These terrorists attack with highly sophisticated weapons including machine guns,” said Dalyop in a telephone interview. “The law allows the use of proportionate force to defend against any attack,” said Dalyop who is also a tribal leader in Plateau State.
In a recent development that took place on July 12, 2023, the official Twitter account of the Nigerian Army announced a significant accomplishment in Mangu, a region located in Plateau State within the Middle Belt of Nigeria. The tweet highlighted the successful operation carried out by the army, resulting in the elimination of three notorious bandits and the recovery of various weapons. The accompanying photos showcased the lifeless bodies of the deceased criminals, along with the assortment of confiscated items, including AK-47 rifles, a significant quantity of 7.62 mm special rounds, a motorcycle, and even a Constabulary Police Identity Card.
However, beyond this particular incident, it is crucial to delve deeper into the prevailing issue at hand. By examining the response from local inhabitants and considering the broader context, we encounter the troubling matter of public mistrust in relation to the Nigerian army. This article aims to shed light on these multifaceted aspects, seeking to provide a comprehensive analysis of the situation.
The recent social media post triggered a wave of outrage due to the widespread awareness regarding the identities and motivations of these groups. To gain a better understanding of the situation, it is necessary to examine the statements made by the governors of Bauchi, Katsina, and Kaduna in the past. These regional leaders have been explicit about the groups’ affiliations and underlying motivations, providing crucial context to the current discourse.
Moreover, prominent figure Sheikh Gumi has been vocal in discussing these groups and shedding light on the ideological factors that inform their actions. With such authoritative voices bringing attention to these issues, it becomes evident why the aforementioned post has ignited a strong sense of indignation among the public.These armed groups are not unfamiliar to us; their language of communication and their physical attributes are well-known.
Attempting to twist facts that have already been established, documented, and published is futile and serves no purpose. These militias, who do not originate from the affected areas, mercilessly slaughter people in their own homes. They launch sporadic heavy artillery attacks and employ individuals armed with machetes to finish off any survivors. What term should we use to describe such actions? Moreover, let us not forget the presence of another group that stands by, waiting for both factions to wreak havoc, setting fire to entire community structures using petrol as their weapon of choice.
The reality is that these individuals are terrorists, and it is crucial not to shy away from this fact for the sake of political correctness. Coordinated and preemptive attacks targeting a specific demographic can be categorized as genocidal, and all groups, such as Miyetti Allah and others, who claim responsibility for such heinous acts should be identified as such without any apologies.
Furthermore, on March 7, 2010, at around 2 am, locals identified a group of strange Fulani men who invaded the community, resulting in the slaughter of numerous children, infants, and elderly individuals, while many others were severely injured. Shockingly, the operation was executed flawlessly, despite the imposition of a curfew at the time, and neither the police nor the military intervened throughout the three-hour massacre.
This is deeply insulting because the locals could always identify these invaders as Fulani. These instances highlight the gravity of the situation and the urgent need for effective intervention and justice.
In discussing the concerning issue of Fulani ethnic militias, it is important to acknowledge that even Miyetti Allah, the umbrella association of cattle breeders in Nigeria, has taken responsibility for some of the attacks. In Plateau State in 2018, they claimed that their actions, which resulted in the deaths of over 100 individuals, were merely retaliatory measures against the persecution of their members.
What becomes evident from this latest social media post is that it will only serve to exacerbate the existing mistrust that citizens have towards law enforcement agencies in the country. General Theophilus Danjuma (retired) previously expressed his belief that the army lacks impartiality, alleging that certain elements within the military colluded with the bandits. Similarly, Colonel Adewunmi echoed these sentiments by highlighting how the Department of State Services (DSS) possesses a wealth of information and documents regarding the situation, implying that the government is fully aware of the sponsors behind these acts of violence and possesses the capability to resolve the issue if they have the determination to do so.
It is highly deplorable that someone responsible for managing the official Army Twitter account would seek to ignite ethnic tensions and intensify the blame game among the different groups within the Middle Belt. It has become evident that these conflicts reach far beyond the grassroots level and involve high-ranking officials, with security experts during the previous administration revealing that government officials may be implicated in sponsoring these conflicts.
This incident is just one example of how the Nigerian army has further eroded public trust. Another notable incident was the attack in Owo, which resulted in the loss of many lives and was initially attributed by the government to the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).
However, numerous analysts cautioned the government against hastily assigning responsibility to the group. This was primarily due to several discrepancies surrounding the government’s narrative concerning the involvement of ISWAP.
Vincent Foucher, a respected research fellow at the National Centre for Scientific Research, was among those who emphasized the need for caution and urged the government to carefully consider the complexities of the situation.During an interview with Al Jazeera, another expert named Hassan raised doubts about the authenticity of the government’s claims regarding ISWAP’s involvement in the recent church attacks. Hassan expressed concerns and questioned whether the officials might be attempting to quell the rising threat of reprisal attacks that followed the bloody incidents that occurred that fateful day.
The Nigerian government is facing a mounting case of inconsistencies and discrepancies between civilian and military accounts, as well as conflicting research findings. One notable analysis conducted by the International Crisis Group highlighted that ISWAP primarily targets military installations and avoids attacking civilians or local groups such as vigilantes, politicians, or informers. This assessment contradicts the government’s attribution of the Owo church attack to ISWAP, which was clearly aimed at civilians, thereby raising further doubts.
Several incidents demonstrate the disparity between the actions of ISWAP and the government’s narrative. For instance, the attacks on Kangwara, a major army base on Lake Chad, between August 2016 and January 2017, the assault on an army battalion in Jilli Yobe in July 2018, the takeover of the towns of Gudumbali, Baga, and Doro Gowon on December 26, 2018, all indicate a divergence from ISWAP’s usual targets.
Moreover, when ISWAP claims responsibility for its attacks, it is typically a display of bravado, as they have no motive to withhold such claims. Analysts have also pointed out the high cost of training their fighters, suggesting that they would not risk sending only a few operatives to enemy territory where their lives could be lost. Instead, they prefer to showcase their full force during operations, as seen in the notable incident at the Kuje prison.
These discrepancies between ISWAP’s actions and the government’s account reveal a pressing need for greater transparency in reporting conflicts by the Nigerian army and other law enforcement agencies. The local communities affected by the atrocities perpetrated by Fulani militias in the Middle Belt continue to demand that the government thoroughly investigate these cases and hold the perpetrators accountable.
In recent times, social media has been awash with vitriolic attacks against the elders of Southern Kaduna. These elders stand accused of fostering hatred and antagonism towards the former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai. As one sifts through the deluge of articles regarding this issue, one has to wonder what the orchestrators of this smear campaign hope to achieve, and why they have chosen to act now, after el-Rufai’s tenure.
For the sake of clarity, it is important to understand that the people of Southern Kaduna have always been peaceful, law-abiding, dedicated, and hard-working. Despite enduring systemic marginalisation and neglect, they have consistently remained supportive and law-abiding citizens. However, the recent campaign against their elders isn’t just baseless, but also appears to be instigated. If left unchecked, these false narratives could spread and potentially be mistaken for the truth.
In a delightful twist of irony, this campaign against our leaders emerged shortly after the former Kaduna State governor delivered a keynote address at the book launch and retirement event in honour of Professor Ishaq Akintola, the founder of Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) and an erratic and confused fanatic stocking the embers of division and disharmony with many destructive and senseless press releases. In his address, el-Rufai reportedly stated that elders from the southern part of the state humiliated his deputies, who hailed from the same region. He then painted a narrative of himself as a victim. It’s intriguing to note that this narrative conveniently emerged at an event where MURIC honored him with an award as Defender of the Faith.
If there’s any party that could justifiably accuse another of fostering hatred and antagonism, it would be the people of Southern Kaduna and not the governor. They survived the tumultuous eight-year tenure of el-Rufai under whose watch their communities were decimated and thousands of their people killed. Yet, despite remaining silent and allowing posterity to judge the former governor’s actions, he seems intent on rewriting the narrative that portrays the Southern Kaduna people in a negative light.
It is interesting to note that despite the 7th Senate’s pronouncement that el-Rufai was unfit for public office; the people of Southern Kaduna extended nothing but love and support towards him during his 2014 campaign. It’s almost comedy that el-Rufai now feels justified to accuse the Southern Kaduna elders of hatred and antagonism towards him. In 2015, the people of Southern Kaduna broke a longstanding tradition of supporting the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to cast their votes for him. Without their support, his governorship ambition would have remained a pipe dream.
The tenure of the former governor was characterised by deception and neglect, particularly in the manner he handled the security situation in Southern Kaduna. It’s almost farcical that his solution to the 2016 security threats was to visit the terrorists and give them money, supposedly to persuade them to stop their attacks. Instead, the attacks worsened, as if he had inadvertently empowered them for more attacks. Moreover, his response to the cries of the people was to offer excuses for the terrorists, rather than sympathise with the victims.
In terms of projects, the lion’s share of the over $350 million (N270 billion) World Bank loan that the former governor secured for Kaduna State was spent mostly on Muslim-dominated areas, with less than N5 billion allocated to the 12 Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Southern Kaduna. Even within these LGAs, the few projects he initiated were centered in Muslim-majority areas, leaving the Christian-populated areas in complete neglect and abandonment.
The governor’s appointments to public offices were also a source of contention. During his tenure, the entire top management positions of the Kaduna State University (KASU) were Muslims, and mostly non-Southern Kaduna. This blatant disregard for diversity was almost comical, if not for the stark reality of its implications. The list of top positions within the university, from the Vice Chancellor down to departmental directors, was dominated by Muslims. The staff recruitment ratio, student admission ratio, student union government leaders, and class representative leaders all tilted heavily towards Muslims. In fact, there were six mosques within the university, but not a single Christian chapel.
Below are top management positions of KASU that was a product of the el-Rufai years as governor of the state:
Vice Chancellor – Muslim Deputy VC Admin. – Muslim Deputy VC Academic – Muslim Registrar – Muslim Bursar – Muslim University Librarian – Muslim Chief Security Officer – Muslim Dir. Academy Planning – Muslim DIr. Physical Planning – Muslim Dean Student Affairs – Muslim Director ICT- Muslim Pro Chancellor – Muslim Dir. University Advancement – Muslim Number of Mosques: = 6
Number of Christian Chapel: = 0
Staff Recruitment Ratio:
Muslims = 70%
Christians = 30%
Student Admission Ratio:
Muslims= 75%
Christians = 25%
Student Union Government Leaders
Muslims = 94%
Christians =06%
Class Reps. Leaders
Muslims = 97%
Christians = 03%
With such a track record, it’s almost amusing that el-Rufai has the audacity to accuse the Southern Kaduna elders of being hateful and antagonistic. It is clear that if anyone has a right to feel antagonised or hated, it is the people of Southern Kaduna, not the former governor who exit made Kaduna citizens to heave a sigh of relief.
It’s a tragic -comedy that el-Rufai, a man whose recklessness with words is well-documented, is now trying to paint himself as the victim. The irony is that his attempts to rewrite his legacy are being aided by those who should be working towards unity and peace in the aftermath of his divisive reign.
Ultimately, the former governor’s attempts to regain relevance are doomed to fail. His past actions against the people of Southern Kaduna can’t be easily forgotten. No amount of linguistic gymnastics or social media campaigns, including sponsored articles, can alter the fact that he is now reaping the consequences of his actions. Indeed, one might call it poetic justice.
In the grand theatre of political rhetoric, his attempts to cast himself as the victim are nothing short of a farcical pantomime. He seems to be peddling a narrative that paints him as a misunderstood leader, grievously wronged by the same people he evidently shortchanged and marginalised.
And yet, the evidence of his misdeeds is as clear as daylight. The disproportionate allocation of resources and projects, the blatant favoritism in the university appointments, and his apathetic response to the security threats faced by the people of Southern Kaduna are all stark reminders of his leadership deficits anchored on religious and ethnic discrimination.
In a twist worthy of a Shakespearean tragedy, el-Rufai seems to have forgotten the old adage, “What goes around, comes around”. His administration’s blatant bias against the Southern Kaduna people is akin to sowing seeds of discord and neglect. Now, as he faces the harvest of rising public discontent and criticism, he seeks to deflect blame and paint himself as the victim.
But the people of Southern Kaduna are neither fooled nor swayed by these attempts. Their resilience and unity in the face of adversity are a testament to their strength and character. The former governor’s attempts at revisionist history are desperate bids to salvage a tarnished reputation at the expense of Southern Kaduna people.
The irony is that, while he attempts to smear the reputation of Southern Kaduna elders, he only succeeds in further tarnishing his own battered reputation. His actions have revealed his true character, and no amount of deflection or blame shifting can change that. The people of Southern Kaduna, and indeed, the rest of the world, are not blind to this reality.
In conclusion, the former governor’s attempts to reframe his legacy are akin to trying to paint a crumbling mansion in bright colors – it may look different from afar, but up close, the cracks are still visible. The people of Southern Kaduna, and Nigerians at large, see his actions for what they are – a desperate attempt to rewrite history and salvage his tarnished image.
However, as the saying goes, “You can’t make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear”. No matter how hard he tries, the truth of el-Rufai’s legacy of injustice is very clear for all to see.
Jagaba is the former National Youth Leader of Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU).
A Peace Foundation known as the Gideon and Funmi Para-Mallam Peace Foundation based in Jos, Plateau state has added its voice to the conversation on the renewed killings and violence ongoing in Mangu local government area of Plateau state. The Foundation said the Federal government cannot afford to continue to remain silent amidst what it described as act of terror unleashed on innocent civilians in Plateau state.
In a statement signed by the President of the Foundation, Rev. Dr Gideon Para-Mallam and made available to Middle Belt Belt Times, the Peace Foundation known for its peace efforts across the Middle Belt said a “Foundation is being laid for a full blown nationwide terrorism in the country.”
Para-Mallam called on the Federal government to be more proactive and decisive in tackling the violence which has been ongoing for several years. The statement also claimed that 346 people have been killed in Mangu local government area of Plateau state between April and July 2023.
The statement reads in full:
“Sunday night – July 9th 2023, around 9:00pm, 8 people were killed in Farin Lamba in Riyom Local Government Area of Plateau State. One woman, a 2-year-old baby and 6 young men on riding their motor bikes and conveying their passengers. The gun men came on a killing mission and not finding those they targeted, they started killing those on the highways. Monday morning July 10th 2023 in Vwang Village, Jos South, 2 women were shot dead @ Wereng Rim in the same Riyom LGA. Prior to this on Friday July 7th , 15 people were killed and the following day Saturday night July 8th , 13 people: 12 men and a little boy of under 6 years old were killed in Sabon gari village in Mangu LGA. Mangu LGA has become the latest killing fields of Nigeria.
Death is an equalizer. It will find anyone of us at some point in life’s journey. This is a fact of life. However, why must human agents serve as life’s terminators? The degrading of the value of human life without respect to our common humanity is beyond comprehension in Nigeria. This is what we are witnessing in Plateau State, particularly in Mangu Local Government Area. There have been sustained attacks which have continued unabated since April 17th , 2023 till date. Over 300 lives have been lost on the Plateau from April to date. Out of this number, over 200 lives have been lost to sustained violent attacks in Mangu LGA, as at Saturday, July 8th , 2023. The current harvest of deaths in Mangu LGA must be treated with the utmost urgency it deserves.
The Federal Government cannot afford to remain silent. Silence suggests looking the other way while the current inhumanity continuous. The Federal Government or President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has not issued any official statement condemning the present killings since his being sworn into office on May 29th 2023 till date. Two months on yet we still do not have a formal Presidential comment on these killings? What signals is being communicated by such silence remains to be seen but the impunity demonstrated by the immediate past government of President Mohammadu Buhari should not be sustained by his successor. Why keep silent when hundreds of men, women and children are being killed almost daily in Plateau State?
The Mwaghvul Development Association (MDA), through its National Secretary Dr. Solomon Mangvwat, reports that a total of 54 villages have so far been attacked during this short period. 208 of their people have been killed, hundreds are missing as several bodies were burnt either in their homes while sleeping at night or in the bush as they fled were killed in the process of escape. Handicap persons unable to flee the attackers were mercilessly killed.
There are currently Eighteen Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty-One (18,751) Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) who are now housed in Fourteen Camps. The 14 camps are hosted by the Church of Christ in Nations (COCIN) Local Church Councils (LCCs). A Breakdown of the IDPs shows: 2,081 widows, 6,066 Orphans between the ages of 0-5 years old. Old people account for 1,057 old aged persons and teenagers and adult orphans accounting for 828. A total of 6,603 households are currently affected by these deadly attacks. Meanwhile, the Fulani community claim that the attacks in Mangu are part of a crusade to get rid of them from. This claim was made in a letter dated 19th May, 2023, addressed to the General Officer Commanding the 3rd Armoured Division, Rukuba Barracks, and the Commander Operation Safe Haven (OPSH), Jos, signed by Muhammad Nura Abdullahi, the Chairman of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN). Similarly, in a report by Daily Trust Newspaper, 10th July, 2023, Muhammad Nura Abdullahi stated that there was an invasion of Fulani villages in Mangu LGA on Friday, 7th July, 2023 which led to the death of 15 Fulanis and 78 houses destroyed.
Take it or leave it, a foundation to full blown nation-wide terrorism is being laid. No country should localize and allow acts of terror on its citizens. Whatever the motivation behind these attacks on the Plateau, the fact remains – people are being killed in their hundreds. The burden of these killings should not rest only on the shoulders of the newly sown-in Governor of Plateau State, Barr Caleb Muftwang. The burden should not also rest only on the shoulders of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In fact, the burden rests on the shoulders of all Nigerians. The MDA have a role to play in the search for peace and so also Miyetti Allah in seeking an end to the killings and finding ways to save lives and property. There is wisdom in collective action devoid of finger pointing or political calculations. The lives of all the citizens of Mangu LGA residents matters.
“It isn’t enough to talk about peace. One must believe in it. And it isn’t enough to believe in it. One must work at it.” – Eleanor Roosevelt.
There is need for strategic action on the part of the Nigerian government and international community to ensure sustainable peace returns to Plateau State. As a Peace Building Foundation, we believe that peace is possible in Mangu LGA, Plateau State and Nigeria. The Federal Government and Plateau State; indeed all States in Nigeria need to work together with unity of purpose, across political party lines to find peace for all the troubled hotspots in the entire country. How long must we sit-out these religiously motivated and criminal killings in Nigeria while the rights of Freedom of Religion and Belief (FoRB) are being trampled upon? Focusing on misleading narratives of the violence is itself not only misleading but unhelpful and glaring political correctness and hypocrisy. The narrative of reprisal attacks is not only simplistic but it hides the real issues and therefore the unjust killings have lingered on for too long not just in Mangu LGA but in other hotspots in the Middlebelt areas in particular.
It is important to take cognizance of the words of Martin Luther King Jr. who observes that: “Violence begets violence; hate begets hate; and toughness begets a greater toughness. It is all a descending spiral, and the end is destruction — for everybody. Along the way of life, someone must have enough sense and morality to cut off the chain of hate.”
What is happening in Plateau State has impact on Nigeria. What more, what is happening in Nigeria has global consequences in the medium and long-run. It is time to act and stop localizing Plateau’s killings fields. The time to put an end to violence in Plateau State and Nigeria is now!.”
Recall that Middle Belt Times earlier in the week reported the decision of the military to relocate its special task force codenamed, Operation Safe Haven to Mangu in its effort to address the incessant attacks on rural communities in the area.
For years, Nigeria has been engaged in discussions about the perceived threat of Islamization. This topic has sparked diverse viewpoints, with some dismissing it as mere conspiracy theories, while others express genuine concerns.
Additionally, there are individuals within the Muslim community who view it through the lens of intolerance and Islamophobia. In my latest column for the Middle Belt Times, I delve into this multifaceted issue, aiming to shed light on the different aspects surrounding the Islamization debate.
One observation I have made is that many Muslims in Nigeria adopt a defensive stance, which, in my opinion, is unnecessary. There appears to be a misunderstanding regarding the nature of what such a threat would most likely entail.
While ordinary Muslims believe it to be the spread of regular Islam, those discussing it refer to fundamentalist doctrines that even Muslims in Nigeria may find hard to accept. Boko Haram serves as a significant case study, as it became too extreme even for Ansaru and Islamic State, leading to a breakaway.
This highlights that these ideologies are not aligned with regular Islamic doctrines. And if a group like Islamic State cannot stomach these doctrines, how can one imagine muslims in Nigeria would fare? Many experts like Col Adewunmi have attributed this problem to a certain elite in the country while other experts have also attributed the deliberate efforts to keep the population uneducated as an avenue which creates a fertile ground for radicalism.
Intolerance in our diverse society is an alarming indicator that society is veering off course. The Yoruba Muslims’ role in the 1979 constitutional drafting committee exemplifies the importance of replicating diversity and incorporating tolerance not just in society but also in politics.
From a perspective of tolerance, we witness fewer individuals embracing the ideologies of the ’70s, which could be problematic in a multicultural nation like ours with an example being the defense of the Muslim/Muslim ticket in the just concluded 2023 Presidential elections.
The rise of groups like ISWAP, Ansaru, and Boko Haram, with their growing local recruitment, underscores the consequences of unintentional educational policies in combating radicalism. I had the opportunity to speak with an Algerian Muslim who revealed that their government’s approach to extremism has been swift.
In Nigeria, however, it festers due to the interests of certain elites who favor such an environment, and they are not shy about this fact. It is important to emphasize that this issue is nota debate about the Christians versus Muslims or Traditionalists and should not be viewed in these lenses; however it should be viewed as a conversation around combating the spread of radical ideologies.
Given Nigeria’s status as a secular state, it is crucial for Muslims to take the lead in ensuring that all ethnic gruops and people of diverse religious affiliations feel involved in society and governance and that the country remains non-aligned with religious organizations, be it Christian or Muslim.
These issues if not adequately addressed have the potential to tear at the fabric of our nation. I still recall the sense of impending doom when Ibrahim Babangida secretly joined the OIC. President Buhari’s continued alignment with such organizations highlights the absence of steadfast moral codes among Nigerian leaders. It becomes evident that if there is no decentralization, there is a possibility that someone in power may seek to impose hegemony and implement radical ideologies favoring their faith or religion in the future considering the number of out of school children and high levels of illiteracy in the country.
One troubling aspect of radicalism is that it often begins with targeting individuals of other faiths before turning on those within the same faith. This highlights the urgency of addressing this issue collectively. But more importantly, these fundamentalists being linked or allegedly sponsored by elite is worrisome in our country and Nigerians would need to have very serious and honest conversations about these issues going forward.
In light of the ongoing Islamization debate in Nigeria, it becomes imperative for all citizens to stand united against any form of radicalist ideology. The preservation of secularism should be our shared priority, transcending religious and cultural boundaries.
This call to action stems from the realization that radicalist ideologies pose a significant threat to the peace and harmony of our diverse nation. It is crucial that we reject these extremist narratives and embrace a path that upholds our secular values.
While acknowledging the existence of differing opinions on the Islamization issue, it is essential to distinguish between regular Islam and fundamentalist doctrines. Nigerian Muslims, who make up a significant portion of our population, often embrace Islam as a peaceful and inclusive religion.
However, the concerns raised regarding Islamization are primarily directed at the propagation of radical and intolerant ideologies and must not be confused in any other regard.
As such, moving forward, we must use tolerance as a litmus test in accessing the health of Nigeria with no exceptions.
The NAF Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Commodore Edward Gabkwet, confirmed this in a statement on Friday.
He said two pilots onboard the aircraft survived and were being observed in a military facility.
“Luckily, the two pilots on board survived the crash after successfully ejecting from the aircraft. Additionally, there was no loss of lives or damage to any property around the area of impact.
“Both pilots are currently under observation at NAF Base Hospital, Makurdi. Meanwhile, the Chief of Air Staff, Air Vice Marshal Hasan Abubakar, has constituted a Board of Inquiry to determine the immediate and remote causes of the crash,” he said.
The Northern Development Forum (NDF) has issued a two-week ultimatum to the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to grant amnesty to Boko Haram and bandits in the North to foster national inclusivity.
The group, which premised its demands on what it called the “prosperous life now being lived by ex-agitators in the Niger Delta”, said granting its request would help foster a lasting peace across the vast swathes of the northern region.
In a press statement by its spokesperson, Sheriff Abubakar, the NDF said the only way the North will have a respite from incessant attacks from Boko Haram and bandits is for the Tinubu government to grant amnesty to the rebels just like President Umar Musa Yar’Adua did in 2009 for Niger-Delta militants.
The group further stated that for 15 years and counting, the Niger-Delta militants have enjoyed unprecedented patronage from the Nigerian government, leaving those in the North in abject poverty and deprivation. It listed its demands for Boko Haram and bandits to include: Declaration of Amnesty; provision of scholarship; capacity building; and establishment of cooperative scheme. Several Niger-Delta agitators were offered scholarships, management skills and federally-backed pensions.
The statement reads in full:
“Dear President Bola Ahmed Tinubu,
“We are writing you today as concerned citizens and advocate for justice and unity in our great nation. Recent events have brought to light the urgent need for amnesty to be granted to Northern agitators popularly known as Boko Haram and bandits, paralleling the historic amnesty granted to Niger-Delta militants during the tenure of our late brother, President Umar Yar’adua ( Allah Yarhamuh).
“We strongly urge you to consider this proposal and take decisive action to promote peace, inclusivity, and national cohesion.
“We are aware that on account of Amnesty to Niger Delta agitators, some of them have transitioned to politicians holding critical positions as Speaker of State House of Assembly, House of Representatives member, members of State Assemblies, among other sensitive political offices while others are now successful business people creating wealth and jobs. We want the same for Boko Haram and bandits.
“The Niger-Delta amnesty program, initiated in 2009, played a pivotal role in mitigating the conflicts in the region and fostering lasting peace. The program offered a pathway for former militants to reintegrate into society, providing them with rehabilitation, education, and employment opportunities.
“Today, we find ourselves facing a similar situation in the North, where agitations and conflicts have escalated to an alarming dimension. It is imperative that we do not ignore the plight of our fellow citizens who are voicing their concerns through agitations.
“We understand that quite a number of Boko Haram insurgents have been pardoned and rehabilitated through the de-radicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration (DRR) programme of the Nigerian Army, but more need to still be done.
“Granting amnesty to agitators in the North would not only address their grievances but also pave the way for a more united and prosperous Nigeria.
“By extending amnesty to Northern agitators, we would send a powerful message of inclusivity, justice, and fairness. It would provide a much-needed opportunity for dialogue and reconciliation, allowing all parties to come together to find sustainable solutions to the issues that have plagued our nation.
“Mr President, if Amnesty is granted to these local gangs, it would allow those involved to lay down their arms, embrace peaceful means of expression, and contribute positively to the development of our beloved country.
“Furthermore, this act of amnesty would highlight your administration’s commitment to upholding the principles of equity and equality before the law. It would demonstrate that every citizen, regardless of their geographical location or ethnic background, is entitled to the same rights, privileges, and opportunities. Such a move would foster trust, build bridges, and foster a sense of national unity that is indispensable for our progress as a nation.
“We implore you, Mr President, to act with wisdom, compassion, and foresight in granting amnesty to Northern agitators. Your decisive action in this matter has the potential to bring about a transformative change and create an environment where every Nigerian can thrive. We firmly believe that by drawing on the precedent set by the Niger-Delta amnesty, we can overcome division and strife, forging a path towards a more peaceful, prosperous, and united Nigeria.
“Thank you for your attention to this critical matter. We eagerly anticipate your positive response and the courageous steps you will take to ensure a brighter future for our nation.”
The Nigerian Army has appealed to the governors of the Northern region to give the troops freehand to eliminate terrorists.
The Chief of Army Staff, Taoreed Lagbaja, made the appeal at Army Headquarters, Abuja while playing host to the Zamfara State governor, Dauda Lawal
While ruling out the possibility of granting amnesty to bandits terrorizing the North western region of the country, Mr Lagbaja warned the criminals to flee the country with immediate effect.
The army chief’s disclosure came on the heels of the recent calls made by the former governor of the state, Sani Yerima that bandits should be given amnesty.
According to him, the Military would not allow them to enter other parts of the country.
“Your Excellency, I think we need to look at this amnesty programme. The criminal elements have proven to be incorrigible. So, the issue of amnesty has created avenue for them to be regroup and re-organise and launch attacks,” Mr Lagbaja said.
The Gbagyi ethnic group, consisting of approximately 5 million people, is one of several ethnic groups found in Nigeria. Their predominant presence is in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria, which encompasses significant areas such as the capital city, Abuja, as well as Niger State, Kaduna State, and Nasarawa States.
It is important to focus this analysis on the Gbagyi people. However, it is crucial to clarify that this examination should not be misconstrued as endorsing any specific candidates in the recently concluded 2023 elections as the conversation should strictly be accessed within the prism of the Gbagyi people
As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu prepares to appoint a minister for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), I delve into the pressing issues surrounding Gbagyi representation, land grabbing issues that have and continue to affect them, and the concerning trend of the Minister of FCT position being dominated by the core North in recent times, while neglecting the Gbagyi population of the Middle Belt.
Since 1999, the position of Minister of the FCT has consistently been reserved for individuals from the core North, a fact that has left experts from the Middle Belt region bewildered and perplexed.
This perplexity stems from the fact that the people in this region have been subjected to division across four states, marginalized, and denied rightful compensation for the appropriation of their lands for the establishment of the FCT. Furthermore, they are disheartened by the disregard and exclusion they face in discussions concerning the FCT ministerial role.
The existence of a bill, known as the FCT Resettlement, Integration, and Development Commission, sponsored by Hon. Zaphania Isalo, which was under consideration in the Nigerian Senate as of 2016, provides substantiation for the lack of adequate compensation and the unresolved resettlement of affected Gbagyi communities. This further strengthens the urgency of addressing these issues.
Herein is the list of past FCT Ministers since 1999
The Gbagyi people have endured a series of disastrous events throughout the 4th republic, starting with Ibrahim Bunu, a native of Borno, who served as the first Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) during the transition in 1999. Regrettably, Bunu targeted the Gbagyi community, displacing them and granting authorization for the destruction of settlements in Kado, Garki, and Wuse in 2001. This marked a distressing milestone in the 4th republic, as it was the first instance of a deliberate assault on the Gbagyi community.
In the same year, a presidential committee compiled a list of properties slated for confiscation by the federal government, with a significant portion belonging to the Gbagyi people. This unfortunate identification further compounded the challenges faced by the Gbagyi community, leaving them even more vulnerable.
Tragically, the plight of the Gbagyi people continued in 2003 when Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai assumed the role of Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Known for his imprudent and erratic decision-making, El-Rufai initiated a demolition campaign that indiscriminately impacted over a thousand structures. This campaign caused immense hardship and suffering for numerous individuals and families.
The cumulative effect of these events has left the Gbagyi people in a state of distress, grappling with the consequences of forced displacement, property confiscation, and the loss of their homes and livelihoods. It is imperative that these issues are recognized and addressed to rectify the injustices endured by the Gbagyi community.
It is crucial to highlight the role played by El-Rufai, a long-standing adversary of the Gbagyi and Middle Belt communities, in initiating his assault on the Gbagyi people.
This assault began with the forceful evictions and demolitions, which inflicted significant harm on the Gbagyi community. El-Rufai’s continuous antagonism will be shown later in the future towards the Gbagyi people when he took the controversial step of renaming their traditional stool in Kaduna, despite lacking any affiliation with their ethnic group. Critics argue that this act undermined the integrity of Gbagyi traditional culture and heritage.
Throughout El-Rufai’s tenure, which concluded in 2007, forceful evictions were rampant, resulting in the displacement of at least 500,000 individuals and potentially affecting up to 1.2 million people. The Gbagyi community bore the brunt of these actions, further exacerbating their plight.
An alarming trend that has emerged since 1999 is the consistent appointment of individuals who hold anti-Gbagyi sentiments into influential positions in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and its surrounding areas. This has perpetuated policies and actions that marginalize and negatively impact the Gbagyi community.
Regrettably, democratic progress in the nation has been sluggish, with elected officials from all spheres of governance offering limited assistance to the Gbagyi people. Interviews conducted with indigenous individuals, migrants, and activists have uncovered widespread grievances concerning the government’s persistent failure to address land redress and provide proper compensation for the lands on which the FCT was established.
These cumulative acts of neglect and injustice have underscored the urgent need for rectification and compensation for the Gbagyi community, as their rights and heritage have been consistently disregarded.
Even in past instances of demolitions, government agencies have consistently failed in providing sufficient notice to affected communities. Community Action for Popular Participation (CAPP), an NGO working in these communities, has highlighted the issue, stating that “Communities were not given enough time when demolition notices were issued.” In Lugbe, a densely populated settlement in the Abuja area, residents received a mere 24-hour warning before demolitions took place. Unfortunately, even with recourse to the court systems, residents who have been victims of these policies have painfully realized that justice is elusive through the Nigerian courts.
The Federation of Urban Poor (FEDUP), a network of NGOs operating across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), has further corroborated these accounts.
Seventy-three members of FEDUP have shared instances where they were not given any notice at all. An activist from Jiwa added a distressing anecdote, revealing that his neighbour died during a demolition because he was too ill to evacuate.
In 2012, the police settled out of court after being held responsible for the death of a 20-year-old girl during a demolition in Apo.
Despite the Land Use Act establishing special tribunals and mandating compensation for displaced individuals, these measures have offered little assistance to the displaced residents of Abuja or in providing alternative accommodations. It appears that these grievances remain unresolved, perpetuating the suffering of those affected.
During the demolitions in 2012, victims from Idu and Karmo relocated to a housing site in Pegi after paying a fee of 21,000 naira. However, investigations by the Social and Economic Rights Action Centre (SERAC) revealed that the area had minimal or no infrastructure and services available.
At this juncture, what the Gbagyi people demand is not only adequate representation within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) (The FCT Ministerial position), but also in all states where they have experienced marginalization and displacement. This would serve as a fundamental starting point for addressing their concerns and seeking justice for their communities.
In a concerning turn of events, just days before the end of former Governor El-Rufai’s tenure in Kaduna, he issued an order to demolish numerous Gbagyi settlements. This came after demanding that residents pay 21,000 naira for a regularization form. However, when residents visited the Kaduna State Urban Planning Development Agency (KAPSUDA), officials informed them that the forms were not yet ready. Despite this, El-Rufai deemed it necessary to proceed with the demolitions, resulting in the displacements across Gbagyi land.
This pattern of displacing Middle Belt communities through the guise of urban planning while leaving settler communities untouched appears to be on the rise. In 2020, the Gbagyi people in Kaduna accused El-Rufai of displacing them and allowing migrant Fulani groups to settle in their ancestral lands, using the establishment of emirates to legitimize their migrant status.
Given these circumstances, it is crucial for the Middle Belt people to be proactive in securing adequate representation. Years of leniency and openness towards certain settlers have led to the displacement of numerous Gbagyi communities and the usurpation of their leadership positions by outsiders.
As we examine the appropriation of these positions, we must not overlook key roles within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), such as the Senate and the two House of Representative positions for Abuja South and Bwari, as well as other local government positions. It is the responsibility of those who have migrated to Abuja to recognize and acknowledge the contributions of the indigenous Abuja population and support their aspirations for positions of authority within their ancestral land.
The persistent struggle of the Gbagyi people for rightful compensation cannot be overlooked, as they have been vocal in raising their concerns. In 2012, the courts dismissed a civil suit filed by the Gbagyi people, which sought compensation for the demolitions that resulted in the displacement of their communities.
The director of APRI emphasized the importance of mobilizing the people themselves as the most effective approach in addressing this issue. This highlights the need for collective action and collaboration from all stakeholders involved.
It is worth noting that towards the end of President Obasanjo’s second term in 2007, the then FCT Minister, Nasir El-Rufai, expressed some regrets regarding the demolitions. However, it appears that these regrets held little weight, as El-Rufai’s subsequent eight-year tenure as the Governor of Kaduna State was marred by similar incidents of unlawful demolitions and the displacement of Gbagyi peoples
When analyzing the issues faced by the Gbagyi people, it becomes evident that the root of the problem lies in their land rights. This problem traces back to 1976 when the Nigerian military government forcefully acquired the ancestral lands of the Gbagyi people to establish a new capital city.
To address the plight of the Gbagyi people, a comprehensive examination of their land rights and the historical context surrounding the acquisition of their lands is essential. It is crucial to seek justice and proper compensation for the Gbagyi community, taking into account the historical injustices they have endured.
The current regulation of land ownership and management in Nigeria is governed by the Land Use Act of 1978 (LUA), which, notably, does not extend to Abuja.
The Nigerian government considers Abuja as a symbol of political unity and a modern city representing the country’s development. Consequently, the Federal Capital Territory Act of 1976 (FCT Act) grants exclusive ownership of all lands in Abuja to the Federal Government.
Since Abuja is not classified as a state within the Nigerian federation and lacks a governor, the LUA does not apply in this region. This legal framework, despite the presence of indigenous communities in Abuja, effectively terminates customary land rights and is justified by Section 297(2) of the Nigerian Constitution, which stipulates that all lands in the Federal Capital Territory belong to the Government.
Consequently, the combined impact of the Nigerian Constitution and the FCT Act results in the displacement of the indigenous Gbagyi people from their ancestral lands in Abuja. Any customary land rights they may have under customary tenancy were thus considered null and void under Nigerian laws.
This discriminatory situation becomes even more apparent when examining the contrast with other parts of Nigeria. Section 36 of the LUA 1978 recognizes the customary land rights of indigenous Nigerians in the remaining 36 states of the Nigerian Federation.
However, the application of these rights becomes impossible in Abuja due to Section 49, along with Section 1 (3) of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Act and Section 297 (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Upon the establishment of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), there was a misconception that the territory did not belong to any specific ethnic group in Nigeria. Initially, the government planned to relocate all residents of Abuja to suitable locations outside the territory at the government’s expense. However, this plan was later revised.
It is important to highlight that to this day, the Nigerian government has not provided compensation for the affected communities. Researcher Frank Salamone has raised concerns about the human rights implications of this situation, particularly its impact on the Gbagyi people. The sheer size of the affected area, spanning 365,000 square miles, is both astonishing and significant in this context.
Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the displacement of the Gbagyi people and other ethnic groups, who have had historical conflicts with the Hausa and Fulani communities, is compounded by the appointment of individuals of Hausa and Fulani descent who may not share in the indigenes ideologies and culture. This oversight fails to take into account the colonial history and tensions between these groups, further exacerbating the plight of the affected communities.
In addition, the establishment of new political units within the Federal Capital Territory has had a disruptive effect on existing ethnic leadership structures, resulting in the nullification of indigenous political leadership.
While a small number of Abuja indigenes now reside in close proximity to the city, thanks to the development and expansion of the Capital Territory, the majority still live in villages and rural areas located within the six local government councils of the region. Unfortunately, these areas lack vital infrastructure such as accessible roads, hospitals, and other basic social amenities, further exacerbating the challenges faced by the indigenous communities.
It is crucial to recognize that alongside the Gbagyi people’s fight for autonomy in their region, they are also confronted with distortionists who continuously attempt to alter their history. These distortionists claim that the Gbagyi people may have migrated from Zamfara around 1810. However, careful examination of maps and related narratives reveals a historically inaccurate incorporation of the entire Niger-Benue zone under the control and jurisdiction of the Sokoto Caliphate which propounds this theory.
A significant proponent of the distortionist analysis of pre-caliphate society in the Middle Belt was Mohammed Bello, whose mapping of territories encompassing Hausa society has been found to be untruthful by scholars. This was evident when the British encountered resistance from the Mada peoples in 1917 while approaching the Mada hills, revealing the inaccuracies in Bello’s work.
Bala Adamu Kuta, a researcher, further perpetuated this fallacy by making immensely false assertions, emphasizing that the Hausa Fulani founded various Gbagyi towns. Ayuba Sanda highlights that Darlington’s viewpoint may have influenced these egregious and fallacious positions.
Other falsehoods include C. L. Temple’s claim that the Gbagyi people, along with other known groups like the Koro, were expelled from the Bornu Empire in 1750 due to a struggle.
It is imperative to take these fallacies seriously, as they significantly influenced British policy towards the Gbagyi and other groups in present-day Kaduna, Nasarawa, Niger, and Abuja and these fallacies continue to shape the relationship between the Nigerian structure and the Gbagyi people in contemporary times, particularly regarding the FCT position.
It is important to highlight that the roots of the Gbagyi people can be traced back to the earliest signs of human presence in the region, which date back to 500 BCE during the Nok civilization. This ancient civilization flourished until around 200 CE.
Following the decline of the Nok civilization, there was a shift in movement patterns, leading to migrations and the establishment of settlements in various regions within the Middle Belt.
However, the 1804 Jihad marked a significant turning point in the history of the Gbagyi and other ethnic groups. Led by Uthman Dan Fodio, the Jihadists embarked on a conquest of Hausa territories, which resulted in attacks and migrations affecting the Gbagyi people and other ethnicities in the Middle Belt.
In response to these incursions, the Gbagyi and other groups resisted the Jihadists, leading to the creation of wide gaps in the land areas as they sought refuge in the highlands. This resistance posed challenges for the Sokoto Caliphate, as noted by Robert Taylor.
It is worth noting that the Gbagyi, along with other hill country groups, successfully preserved their autonomy and resisted the Jihadists until the arrival of British forces as they created a Northern protectorate encompassing Gbagyi groups on New Years eve of 1900. The British invasion using the West African Frontier Force and maps from the emirates influenced the subsequent attitude of British colonial rule in the region, shaping the dynamics and power structures in the area.
Subsequently, the marginalization of various Gbagyi groups in the Middle Belt began, prompting their involvement in movements like the United Middle Belt Congress in 1951, spearheaded by Joseph Tarka.
This agitation for a separate Middle Belt region, alongside other ethnic groups in Central Nigeria, gained momentum. However, the years of military rule soon followed, during which successive military administrations sought new locations for the capital.
This decision sparked significant controversy particularly in the 1970s, particularly as Chief Obafemi Awolowo favoured keeping the capital in Lagos, while Alhaji Shehu Shagari campaigned for its relocation to Abuja in the same period. The debate over the capital’s location became a prominent point of contention between these influential political figures.
With the emergence of Shehu Shagari, the challenges of the Gbagyi people soon commenced with initial plans for relocation, compensation and dislodgement soon begun.
