Nasir el-Rufai: The Bloodlust of a Presidential Wannabe

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

IN the week in which former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai abandoned the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to chart a different political trajectory with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), his son, Bashir, characteristically made it known that “Southern Kaduna residents will keep seeing sheghe if they continue to attack indigenous Fulani herdsmen.”

Three things about this, among many, were chilling. One is the absence of any interest in addressing the underlying problem of coexistence between communities. The second is the enthusiastic investment in violence. The third is the indiscriminate nature of the promised violence. This was not the first time an outburst of candour from the El-Rufai clan was laced with unconcealed thirst for human blood.

In January 2019, as the country prepared to go to the polls in a presidential election the following month, the administration of Nasir el-Rufai’s political benefactor, Muhammadu Buhari, guillotined then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen. The manner and timing of the decision drew very sharp international rebuke. In response, Governor el-Rufai went on National television to warn that any foreign observers perceived as meddling in the elections “will go back in body bags.” As influential continental news magazine, Africa Report, delicately put it, these were the words of a man who had “previous ‘anti-meddling’ approach to diplomacy.”

This “‘anti-meddling’ approach to diplomacy” appears to be a family investment. Abubakar Idris was a committed supporter of former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who lived in Barnawa, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State. From there Mr. Idris, better known as “Dadiyata”, engaged in vigorous criticisms of the ruling APC, one of whose founders happened to be Nasir el-Rufai.

On or about 2 August 2019, Dadiyata vanished. He has not been seen since then. A digital visibility campaign to help locate his whereabouts continues under the hashtag #WhereIsDadiyata. Four and a half months after Dadiyata disappeared, on 23 December 2019, Bashir el-Rufai ominously tweeted: “The same clowns who encouraged him when he was creating false stories and capitalising on lies that could endanger lives solely for political ends are the same individuals trending hashtags asking #WhereisDadiyata. Dangerous lies in the public space have consequences.”

Less than three months later, on 11 March 2020, Bashir’s brother, Bello, currently a member of the House of Representatives, went one better with an even more chilling gloat in poor verse: “The things that we’ve done to protect the name are unsettling. But no regrets though, the name will echo. Years later, none greater. Death to a coward and a traitor, that’s just in my nature!”

At his inauguration as Kaduna State governor in May 2015, Nasir el-Rufai identified insecurity as “an obstacle to progress” and promised to “work with law enforcement officials to drastically reduce violent crime” and  “ensure safety of life and limb.” By the time he left office eight years later, he had achieved the exact opposite.

Forgetting this promise, Nasir el-Rufai as Governor brooked no criticism or opposition. No cruelty was considered beyond the pale for them. For daring to disagree with him, el-Rufai demolished the homes of the Zonal vice-chair of his party, Inuwa Abdulkadir; and of his Senator for Kaduna North, Suleiman Hunkuyi. 

He was only just beginning. His regime compiled a jaw-dropping list of body bags. Some, like Dadiyata, disappeared, never to be seen again. Others, like Maiwada Raphael Galadima, Agwam Adara III, paramount ruler in Kajuru, turned up dead or decapitated. The Agwam Adara was ostensibly returning home from a consultation with the state government on a crisis in his domain when he was abducted. His wife, abducted with him, was released after the abductors murdered her husband. The Governor was missing from Agwam’s funeral. After his burial, Nasir el-Rufai swiftly abolished his kingdom and purported to carve it into emirates.

Under Nasir el-Rufai and by appointment of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kaduna State attained “notoriety as the deadliest state for Journalists in Nigeria to operate.” They were not the only endangered species. The strategic research group, SBM Intelligence, concluded also that “Kaduna was the most dangerous state for priests, who were often kidnapped during services.”

The governor’s signal accomplishment was to displace Boko Haram from the top of the league of atrocities. This was no easy feat. In May 2014, the United Nations Security Council listed the Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, (the Islamist insurgency better known as Boko Haram) as a terrorist organisation. Three years earlier, the Gaji Galtimari Presidential Committee on the Security Challenges in the North-East Zone of Nigeria had reported that the group “started as an innocuous non-violent group” around 2003.

Since then, Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram’s atrocities, habitually topped the national league table of mass-casualty killings in Nigeria. The monitoring coalition, Nigeria Mourns, reported a peak of 6,138 atrocity casualties in Borno State in 2015. Over the next five years, casualty count in Borno State appeared to drop off quite significantly.

Over 760 kilometres from the Borno State capital, Maiduguri, in Kaduna, the historical capital of northern Nigeria, it almost appeared as if the State government led by Nasir el-Rufai was envious of Borno’s position. In 2015, when Borno State hit the peak in atrocity killings, Nigeria Mourns recorded 411 casualties in Kaduna State. By 2020, the figure had risen to 628. In Borno State in the same year, the count was 1,176 killed.

In 2021, el-Rufai’s Kaduna State overtook Borno to take over the top position in the national body-count of mass-casualty atrocities. That year, Nigeria Mourns recorded 587 killed and 119 abducted in Borno State. In Kaduna State, it counted 1,114 killed and 1,225 abducted. In 2022, at least 1,346 people were abducted in Kaduna State. The comparable figure for Borno State was 77.

To be sure, Kaduna State had a well-advertised history of chronic violence dating back to the 1980s and accounting for tens of thousands killed over the period. Under Nasir el-Rufai however, virulent executive bigotry drove the state beyond the edge through methodical segregation. Leena Hoffman captured the depth of Kaduna’s crisis of sectarian segregation under the governor: “the river that runs through the city of Kaduna, the state capital, highlights the starkness of the divide: the northern half is unofficially called Mecca; the south, Jerusalem.”

The most intense site of chronic mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State was Southern Kaduna, which is characterised by linguistic and ethnic diversity coexisting with a high concentration of the State’s non-Muslim populations. For many people, there was only one explanation for the exponential spike in mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State – the State governor, Nasir el-Rufai. His administration was widely “accused of a conspiracy of silence” in support of the murderous campaign of extermination in Southern Kaduna.

In one of his earliest acts as governor, Nasir el-Rufai sought exculpation for bandit pastoralists from the chronic massacre in Southern Kaduna, claiming that he had already “spent government money to pay Fulani herdsmen to stop violence in southern Kaduna.” About the armed “bandits” who were to emerge as the fall guys for the violence, Governor el-Rufai later described them as “just collections of independent criminals. It is a business for them.”

When Mr. el-Rufai stepped down from office in 2023, mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna crashed spectacularly. Nigeria Mourns recorded 413 atrocity killings in Kaduna and 393 abductions. The only thing that appears to have occurred to bring about this transformation was a change in the occupant of the office of state governor.

In January 2017, an audio emerged in which he gloated over the untimely death in 2010 of former President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, his high school contemporary at Barewa College, Zaria on whom he had also visited unrestrained bile in his memoirs. Columnist, Farooq Kperogi, observes that Nasir el-Rufai “embodies one of the most morbidly toxic strains of political intolerance in Nigeria. He exteriorises his discomfort with opposition by literally wishing death upon his opponents or claiming credit for their death.”

Bloodlust such as this can never be slaked. Out of power today, el-Rufai seeks to re-brand himself as an ecumenical politician invested in pluralism. Those who make the mistake of jumping into political bed with him will have themselves to blame.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu 

Northern CAN Condemns Supreme Court Ruling Upholding Death Penalty for Adamawa Farmer in Disputed Self-Defense Case

By Eke Chioma

Yola, Nigeria — The Supreme Court of Nigeria has upheld the death sentence of Sunday Jackson, a farmer from Dong community in Demsa Local Government Area, Adamawa State, drawing sharp condemnation from the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and reigniting debates over judicial fairness and self-defense laws. Jackson was convicted for the 2014 killing of Fulani herdsman Buba Ardo Bawuro, which he insists was an act of self-defense during a violent confrontation.

According to court records, Jackson was working on his farm when Bawuro, allegedly armed with a knife, attacked him. Jackson claims he disarmed his assailant during the struggle, leading to Bawuro’s fatal injury. However, the Supreme Court ruled that Jackson had “reasonable opportunity to flee” and rejected his self-defense argument, affirming a 2021 Adamawa High Court verdict sentencing him to death by hanging. The March 7, 2025, ruling has sparked widespread outrage, with human rights groups and religious leaders demanding justice.

In a strongly worded statement issued in Kaduna, Rev. John Hayab, Chairman of the Northern CAN, denounced the judgment as a “grave travesty of justice” and urged Adamawa State Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri to grant Jackson an immediate pardon. “This ruling blatantly disregards Sections 23 and 24 of the Adamawa State Penal Code, which protect individuals acting in self-defense. Jackson endured a decade of legal battles rooted in a flawed interpretation of the law. We implore the governor to intervene and correct this injustice,” Hayab declared.

The case has drawn international scrutiny, with human rights advocates condemning the verdict. During an Arise TV interview, Emmanuel Ogebe, an international human rights lawyer, warned that the ruling sets a “dangerous precedent” for self-defense claims in Nigeria. “Jackson retrieved the weapon from his attacker—this is textbook self-defense. To sentence him to death is not only unjust but a gross miscarriage of justice,” Ogebe argued.

Echoing his sentiments, U.S.-based activist William Devlin criticized Nigeria’s judiciary, stating, “Sunday Jackson is unequivocally innocent. This ruling exposes systemic failures in protecting vulnerable citizens from flawed prosecutions.”

With all legal appeals exhausted, Jackson’s fate now hinges on Governor Fintiri’s discretionary power to grant clemency. As pressure mounts from civil society groups, legal experts, and religious organizations, the case has become a focal point in broader calls for judicial reform and clarity on self-defense rights in Nigeria.

Northern CAN’s condemnation adds to growing demands for executive intervention, underscoring the deepening divide between public sentiment and the judiciary’s interpretation of the law. The outcome may set a critical precedent for similar cases amid Nigeria’s ongoing tensions between farmers and herders.

Forgotten No More: Bondong’s Path from Devastation to Development 10 Years Later, Despite Lingering Shadows

The Night of Terror

March 13, 2014, remains a day etched in infamy for the people of Bondong District in Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. On that fateful night, four villages—Me-Sankwai, Me-Kakpang, Tyekum, and Me-Kura—were simultaneously attacked by armed militias suspected to be Fulani herdsmen. The assault, which began around 11 p.m., was brutal and unrelenting. Women, children, and even infants were mercilessly hacked to death in what would later be remembered as the Bondong Massacre.

Hours of Devastation.

The assault was methodical and brutal says the District Head of Bondong, Jonathan Mamman as he led a team of the Southern Kaduna Resilience Fund (SKARF) project to the communities. For hours, the villages were engulfed in violence as the militias moved with chilling precision, while residents desperately sought escape in the surrounding bushes, he said.

Despite being merely a 20-minute drive from Manchok town, no security intervention arrived to help the besieged communities. The attackers moved through the villages with devastating efficiency, setting fire to homes and churches, and claiming lives with shocking brutality. Women, children, and even infants were not spared; their lives ended in ways too gruesome to detail. The absence of security forces during these crucial hours remains a painful question that haunts survivors to this day.

Counting the Cost.

By the time dawn broke and the attackers had retreated, the scale of devastation became clear. Search parties recovered 147 bodies from the surrounding bushes, while over 200 houses and churches laid in smoldering ruins. The once vibrant community was reduced to ashes, its survivors left to grapple with unimaginable loss and trauma. The morning light revealed scenes that would forever be etched in the memories of those who survived – charred buildings, destroyed livelihoods, and the heavy task of burying their dead in mass graves that would later become silent testimonies to the tragedy.

A mass grave holding over 50 victims of the massacre

A Decade of Silence.

For ten long years, Bondong’s tragedy seemed destined to become another forgotten chapter in Nigeria’s complex history of violence. The survivors received neither justice nor significant support for rebuilding their shattered lives. They were left to carry their grief alone, their story fading from national consciousness even as they struggled to rebuild. The community’s resilience was tested as they faced the challenge of reconstructing not just their homes, but their entire way of life, without any formal support or recognition of their suffering.

Hope Returns to Bondong

However, on February 6, 2025, hope finally returned to Bondong through an initiative that aims to transform tragedy into triumph. Gloria Mabeiam Ballason Esq, the pioneer of the Southern Kaduna Resilience Fund (SKARF) project and the C.E.O. of House of Justice Africa, led a delegation to the community for a profound purpose: laying the foundation for a memorial school to honor the massacre’s victims on a piece of land acquired by SKARF. This moment marked a turning point in Bondong’s story, bringing with it the first rays of hope many had seen in years.

Speaking at the ceremony, Ballason articulated a vision that transcends mere remembrance. “While it is a fact that the people of Bondong and many other communities in Southern Kaduna may have been knocked down by forces of evil, they must not stay down.It is time to build from the ruins and to rise from these painful ashes.Our generation must never allow evil to have the last word and our children must rise like the sun in its full strength,” she declared. Her dream, she explained, is to see Bondong’s children rise to become global citizens through the power of education. The memorial school represents a beacon of hope, the rebuilding of dignity, and a statement that education can triumph over violence.

The District Head of Bondon, Jonathan Mamman and The Pioneer of SKARF & CEO of House of Justice, Gloria Ballason Esq laying the foundation block for the school

Community Response and Recognition.

The significance of this moment was not lost on the local leadership. District head Mr. Jonathan Mamman described SKARF’s gesture as a remarkable act of remembrance, expressing profound gratitude that Bondong was being remembered in such a meaningful way a decade after its darkest hour. The ceremony included a solemn visit to the mass graves where the massacre’s victims lie buried, a powerful reminder of why this project carries such emotional weight.

SKARF’s Broader Mission

SKARF’s involvement in Bondong is part of a larger mission that began in 2020. The organization was founded with the specific purpose of restoring hope and rebuilding dignity to communities devastated by attacks in Southern Kaduna. Their track record includes the successful launch of their inaugural IDP-SKARF school in Gonin Gora community, Chikun local government area of Kaduna state, tailoring, barbing shops and salons and several academic camps in the same year of their founding. This latest project in Bondong represents a continuation of their commitment to rebuilding and empowering affected communities.

Persistent Vulnerability

A decade after the massacre, Bondong District continues to face significant security challenges that mirror those that enabled the 2014 tragedy. Despite its strategic location bordering Plateau State and its history of violent attacks, the district remains without any permanent security presence. District Head Jonathan Mamman expressed deep concern about this ongoing vulnerability, noting that the same communities targeted in the March 2014 massacre – Me-Sankwai, Me-Kakpang, Tyekum, and Me-Kura – remain exposed to potential threats.

The absence of security infrastructure in Bondong District represents a continuing failure of governance that leaves its residents in a perpetual state of uncertainty. The communities’ proximity to the Plateau State border adds another layer of complexity to their security challenges, as the area has historically been susceptible to cross-border incidents. This security vacuum forces residents to maintain constant vigilance, even as they attempt to rebuild their lives and communities.

Living with Fear

For the people of Bondong, the lack of security presence serves as a daily reminder of their abandonment by state authorities. The communities have had to develop informal security arrangements and early warning systems, but these grassroots efforts can only do so much in the face of well-armed threats. The psychological impact of living under such conditions, especially for survivors of the 2014 massacre, adds another layer of burden to their already challenging journey of recovery.

A New Chapter Begins

As construction begins on the memorial school, Bondong stands as a testament to the resilience of the human spirit. Through education and remembrance, the community is weaving a new narrative—one that honors the past while paving the way for a brighter future. The school will serve as both a monument to those lost and a springboard for future generations. As Gloria Mabeiam Ballason aptly put it, “From the ashes of tragedy, a legacy of hope and learning will rise.” 

Bondong’s journey is far from over, but with each brick laid and each child educated, the community takes another step toward healing. Their story is a powerful reminder that even in the face of unimaginable loss, hope can emerge, and resilience can prevail.

Photo Gallery from the event

Eagle Brain Secures Justice for Accident Victims Caused by Julius Berger Truck

In a significant victory for human rights advocacy, the Eagle Brain Human Rights Organization has successfully secured justice and adequate compensation for victims of a tragic accident in Barnawa. The incident, involving a Julius Berger truck, resulted in the loss of two lives and left one individual seriously injured.

The organization’s Chairman, Mr. Daniel Ejembi, confirmed the development in a statement. According to the statement, the survivor’s hospital bills were fully covered, and financial compensation was provided to her. Additionally, the families of the two deceased victims, Anas Saidu and Alex Fagbemi Olawale, received financial compensation to help them cope with their loss.

The accident occurred at High Cost Junction along Bumedine Road when a speeding Julius Berger truck collided with a commercial motorcycle. The impact claimed the lives of the two men and left a third passenger, Comfort John, with severe injuries. Eyewitnesses reported that the truck was traveling at high speed at the time of the crash.

Following the incident, the truck driver was detained at the Barnawa Police Station but was later released due to health concerns. Despite this, Eagle Brain’s relentless efforts ensured that justice was served for the victims and their families.

The organization praised the dedication and perseverance of its members throughout the process, highlighting their unwavering commitment to promoting equity, justice, and a more humane society.

This case underscores the importance of accountability and the role of human rights organizations in advocating for victims of accidents and their families. Eagle Brain’s successful intervention serves as a reminder of the need for stricter enforcement of road safety regulations to prevent such tragedies in the future.

For more updates on human rights advocacy and similar stories, stay tuned to our news section.

House of Justice Sets Bold Vision for 2025, Emphasizes Purpose-Driven Legal Services

In a compelling address marking the 2025 Annual General Meeting, Gloria Mabeiam Ballason Esq., CEO of House of Justice, outlined an ambitious roadmap for the legal conglomerate, emphasizing purpose-driven justice delivery and staff development as key priorities for the year ahead.

Speaking at the House of Justice Complex in Kaduna on Friday, January 17, 2025, Ballason reflected on the organization’s journey from its humble beginnings as MIVE LEGALS in 2010 to its current status as a multi-door justice house, marking over a decade of transformation since its rebranding in November 2014.

“Our enduring vision is to be an excellent global law conglomerate,” Ballason stated, adding that the organization’s mission remains focused on providing legal services that conform with the highest standards of excellence and integrity while finding practical solutions in both law and life.

The CEO unveiled a five-point agenda for 2025, focusing on optimizing access to justice through their multi-door system, improving purpose in work, promoting deserving staff with increased emoluments, ensuring departmental delivery on schedules and projects, and expanding the organization’s global influence.

In a notable departure from conventional corporate addresses, Ballason emphasized the importance of staff welfare and personal growth. “House of Justice seeks to put all our colleagues and affiliates at the center of our justice work,” she declared, highlighting the organization’s commitment to ensuring justice for its staff members first.

The speech revealed plans for collaboration between the CEO’s office and Human Resources to recalibrate the work environment, enabling staff to find purpose whether within or outside the workplace. This initiative follows the recent celebration of outstanding colleagues inducted into the House of Justice Hall of Fame during their decade anniversary celebration in November 2024.

Speaking about client services, Ballason outlined ambitious goals: “We seek zero fatalities, zero life-threatening injuries, and total defeat of the corrupting influences on justice delivery.” While acknowledging progress in this direction, she noted that significant work remains to be done.

The organization, which has expanded from its Kaduna base to establish a presence in Abuja, continues to push boundaries in legal service delivery. Their approach combines excellence, innovation, courtesy, service, and integrity, values that Ballason describes as being “at the heart of what we do.”

During the address, Ballason shared a personal reflection from her conversation with Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, Chairman of the International Advisory Board of the Molluma Yakubu Centre for Medical Law and Mass Atrocities Accountability. “If I was not the Chief Executive of House of Justice, I would really have loved to work at House of Justice,” she revealed, describing the organization as more than a workplace but her “calling, purpose and rhythm.”

The speech also touched on the organization’s commitment to making justice an empowering process and outcome for clients and community members. This commitment involves continuous learning and improvement in service delivery methods while staying within the bounds of law and due process.

Looking ahead, Ballason encouraged staff members to pursue growth at their own pace, whether by “flying, jumping, running, walking or crawling,” emphasizing the importance of continuous movement toward self-improvement.

The meeting was attended by Team Leads from Human Resources and Administration from both Kaduna and Abuja offices, Heads of Departments, and Acting Heads of Departments, along with other staff members.

House of Justice’s vision for 2025 comes at a crucial time when access to justice remains a significant challenge in Nigeria. The organization’s emphasis on combining excellence in legal service with personal development and community impact presents a unique model in the legal service sector.

As the organization moves forward with its plans for 2025, Ballason concluded with an optimistic note: “We have what it takes; we can make it happen and yes, we can make a world of difference when we shine the light that overcomes the darkness of injustice.”

The ambitious agenda set forth by House of Justice for 2025 reflects a comprehensive approach to legal service delivery, combining professional excellence with personal development and social impact, potentially setting new standards for legal practice in Nigeria and beyond.

Eagle Brain Demands Justice For Accident Victims Caused By Julius Berger Truck

A tragic accident occurred early Sunday morning at High Cost Junction along Bumedine Road, Kaduna State, when a truck owned by Julius Berger Construction Company collided with a commercial motorcycle.

The crash, which happened around 3:00 AM, claimed the lives of the motorcycle rider, Anas Saidu, and one of the passengers, Alex Fagbemi Olawale. A second passenger, Comfort John, sustained serious injuries and is currently receiving treatment at Harmony Hospital, Barnawa.

Eyewitnesses allege the truck was speeding when the driver lost control, leading to the fatal collision. The driver, initially detained at the Barnawa Police Station, was released due to health concerns but has since been recalled for further questioning as investigations continue.

Adding to the tragedy, representatives from Julius Berger Construction Company have reportedly shown indifference to the victims’ plight. 

According to witnesses, a representative from the company’s accident and emergency unit allegedly stated, “The case can be taken anywhere without consequences,” sparking outrage.

The Eagle Brain Human Rights Organization, represented by its media head, Joshua Sarkinnoma Madami, has condemned the company’s alleged negligence and lack of accountability. 

The group is demanding justice for the deceased, support for the injured, and compensation for the victims’ families.

“This tragic incident calls for urgent action. Julius Berger Construction Company must take responsibility for the harm caused by their vehicle,” the organization stated.

Authorities are urging calm as the investigation continues. Meanwhile, the public awaits an official statement from Julius Berger Construction Company.

Watchdog Turned Wolf: Controversy Trails Appointment of Alleged Rights Abuser to Head Police Monitoring Unit

In a decision that has sent ripples through Nigeria’s law enforcement and human rights communities, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Kayode Agbetokun has appointed DCP Akin Fakorede to head the IGP Monitoring Unit. This controversial appointment has sparked intense debate about the future of police accountability in Africa’s most populous nation, particularly given the unit’s crucial role in investigating complaints against police officers.

A Troubled Past in Rivers State

The shadows of Fakorede’s tenure as Officer in Charge of the Federal Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Rivers State from 2016 to 2019 cast a long dark cloud over this appointment. During this period, his name became synonymous with allegations of brutality, extrajudicial killings, and electoral manipulation. Former Governor Nyesom Wike, in a series of public denouncements, accused Fakorede of perpetrating crimes and interfering with electoral processes in the state

One of the most damning incidents occurred during the 2019 Rivers State governorship and state assembly elections. Dr. Ferry Gberegbe, a senior lecturer at Ken Saro-Wiwa Polytechnic, was allegedly shot and killed at a collation center in Bori. The state’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), through its chairman Chief Felix Obuah, directly implicated Fakorede in this tragedy, describing him as “a recurrent obstacle to the peaceful conduct of general elections in Rivers State.”

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) itself documented Fakorede’s controversial conduct. In a report authored by INEC Commissioner Professor Okechukwu Ibeanu, Fakorede was accused of attempting to lure INEC staff into potentially dangerous situations and physically assaulting electoral officials, including Dr. C Odekpe and Mrs. Mary Tunkayo, who required hospitalization after the encounter.

Pattern of Controversy Across Commands

Fakorede’s controversial record extends well beyond Rivers State, following him through various postings across Nigeria. In Anambra State, where he served as Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of the State Criminal Investigation Department, his tenure was marked by serious allegations of enabling land grabbing and violent property disputes.

A detailed petition to the Police Service Commission in July 2024 exposed disturbing incidents under his watch. In one case, men in military uniforms allegedly operated under Fakorede’s protection to violently demolish a building under construction in Onitsha. In another shocking incident, a violent property invasion reportedly resulted in the death of a 4-month-old infant.

The case of Mrs. Adelesi Esther Omolade, a 72-year-old woman, provides another troubling example of alleged abuse of power. In January 2022, she reported being illegally arrested and detained by Fakorede’s team in Abuja. The incident, which reportedly stemmed from a business dispute involving his romantic relationship with her daughter, raised serious questions about the exploitation of police power for personal matters.

Defiance of Accountability Mechanisms

When the federal government established nationwide investigative panels to examine SARS activities in 2020, Fakorede’s apparent contempt for accountability became glaringly evident. Despite receiving multiple formal invitations to appear before the Rivers State Panel, he consistently refused to participate in the proceedings.

The panel’s findings painted a disturbing picture: half of the 107 accepted petitions were complaints against the Rivers State SARS under Fakorede’s command. Among these was the heart-wrenching case of Solomon Yellowe, a 27-year-old final-year student at the University of Port Harcourt. Yellowe’s family petitioned for ₦1 billion in compensation after their son’s body was discovered in the University Teaching Hospital mortuary weeks after his disappearance, with allegations pointing directly to SARS involvement under Fakorede’s leadership.

Persistent Public Outcr

The public’s resistance to Fakorede’s leadership predated the nationwide #EndSARS protests of 2020. In December 2017, thousands of Rivers State residents, predominantly youth, took to the streets of Port Harcourt in protest. Their placards bore urgent messages: “Sack Akin Fakorede Now,” “Stop Killings By SARS,” and “End SARS’ Brutality Now.” The demonstrations were fueled by numerous incidents, including the alleged killing of three Ogoni youths who had attempted to prevent pipeline vandalism.

The protests in Anambra State took an even more dramatic turn when, in November 2023, a group of women staged a naked protest against Fakorede’s alleged involvement in criminal activities and land grabbing. This traditional form of protest, considered one of the strongest expressions of displeasure in Nigerian culture, highlighted the depth of public outrage against his activities.

International Partners Express Growing Concern

The appointment has raised serious concerns among international development partners and funding agencies supporting Nigerian police reform. Organizations including the British High Commission, German Foreign Office, American Embassy, Swiss Embassy, UNDP, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and the United Nations Office for Human Rights have invested substantially in police reform initiatives in Nigeria.

These international stakeholders have particular reason for concern, as many have funded specific projects aimed at strengthening police accountability. The Police Accountability and Reform (SPAAT) Project, implemented by the UNDP and funded by the German Foreign Office, is just one example of the significant international investment in Nigerian police reform that could be undermined by this appointment.

Implications for Police Reform

The decision to appoint Fakorede to head the IGP Monitoring Unit presents a peculiar paradox: an officer with numerous unresolved complaints against him now leads the very unit responsible for investigating police misconduct. This situation is further complicated by reports that multiple oversight bodies, including the Monitoring Unit itself and the Police Service Commission, are currently investigating complaints against him.

The appointment appears to contradict the force’s stated commitment to reform and accountability. Following his controversial tenure in Rivers State, Fakorede’s subsequent transfers to various commands – including Brini-Gwari Area Command in Kaduna State, Zone 13 in Anambra State, and the Anambra State Criminal Investigation Department – have been marked by consistent allegations of misconduct and abuse of power.

The Road Ahead

As Nigeria’s police force grapples with the challenge of rebuilding public trust and implementing meaningful reforms, the appointment of an officer with such a controversial record to a critical oversight position raises fundamental questions about the future of police accountability in the country. With international partners watching closely and public trust hanging in the balance, the IGP’s decision may have far-reaching implications for the future of police reform in Nigeria.

The controversy surrounding this appointment underscores a broader challenge facing Nigeria’s law enforcement: the difficulty of implementing genuine reform while operating within existing power structures and relationships. As the situation unfolds, it will serve as a critical test case for the Nigerian Police Force’s commitment to accountability and reform in the face of mounting public and international pressure.

The story was originally published by Saharareporters.

Allegations Of Unpaid Contracts, Corruption Surface Against Formal Act Legacy Limited, CEO Dr. Bashir Ibrahim Bello

A troubling report has emerged alleging unpaid contracts and possible corruption involving Formal Act Legacy Limited, a company known for its community-based interventions in education, health, and water security.

The company, founded in 2011, collaborates with international organizations, local government agencies, and traditional leaders to promote sustainable development, focusing on Sustainable Development Goals 3, 4, and 6.

The allegations centered on claims that Formal Act Legacy Limited and its CEO, Dr. Bashir Ibrahim Bello, awarded contracts that were later sold to subcontractors who reportedly borrowed money to execute the projects. These subcontractors alleged they have not been paid for their work, with the debts stretching over three years.

Furthermore, there are accusations that influential figures, including some government officials and security service chiefs, may be complicit in the alleged misconduct.

The alleged non-payment of contractors has reportedly caused severe financial hardship for those affected, with some unable to provide basic needs for their families.

Accounts from affected subcontractors include distressing reports of poverty, families struggling with education and sustenance, and even deaths resulting from the associated economic strain.

The situation has sparked public outcry, with demands for an immediate and transparent investigation into the company’s activities.

Stakeholders are urging relevant authorities to examine the allegations and hold those responsible accountable.

Advocates stressed the importance of justice and prompt compensation for the subcontractors who have suffered.

The subcontractors, in their pursuit of justice, have already contacted EAGLE BRAIN, a noted social justice advocacy organization, seeking intervention and support in addressing their grievances.

Countering Obstacles to Media Freedom in Africa: We Must Organize, Not Agonize Says Ballason

In a stirring address that reverberated through the halls of Mensvic Grand Hotel in Accra, Ghana, human rights lawyer Gloria Mabeiam Ballason delivered a powerful message on the pressing need for media freedom and civic expression across Africa.

The event, held on October 9, 2024, brought together activists and media defense lawyers from across West Africa, setting the stage for a crucial dialogue on countering obstacles to press freedom and combating impunity on the continent.

Ballason, the Chief Executive Officer of House of Justice, Nigeria, began her speech by invoking the spirit of Ghana’s independence and the pan-African dream:

“Our feet have touched Ghana. It is sacred ground. It is the soil upon which our beloved Osagyefo Kwame Nkurumah pumped his fist in the air as he drew the first whiff of breath of freedom. Yet as triumphant as that moment was, he was dissatisfied because the Independence of Ghana was, in his view, meaningless until it linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.”

She went on to paint a vivid picture of the continent’s struggle for emancipation, highlighting the roles of both male and female activists who fought for a united and prosperous Africa. However, Ballason quickly reflected on the stark reality of present-day challenges:

“Decades after, we are steeped in a critical discourse on how to counter legal obstacles to rights violations and impunity in not just West Africa but the entire continent.”

The seasoned lawyer with track record of defending human rights emphasized the crucial role of media freedom in democratic societies, describing it as a “sine qua non for democracy” and a “basic human right.” She elaborated on its importance:

“No nation, region or continent can hope to develop democratically without free expression, free publication and free distribution and exchange of ideas and opinions. Democratic societies can only function sustainably when people are well informed, able to access and share information and can debate ideas devoid of fear.”

Ballason didn’t shy away from addressing the myriad challenges faced by media practitioners in West Africa. She listed obstacles such as excessive registration requirements, harassment of journalists, and attempts to over-regulate traditional media and the internet. The lawyer also highlighted positive developments, citing landmark court cases that have upheld media freedom:

“In the Amnesty International, Togo and Others V. The Togolese Republic case, the ECOWAS Court found that ‘access to the internet is a ‘derivative right’ as it ‘enhances the exercise of freedom of expression; hence, internet access is a ‘right that requires protection of the Law’ and any interference with it ‘must be provided for by the law specifying the grounds for such interference’.”

Turning to the broader issue of civic expression, Ballason underscored its significance in empowering citizens and ensuring accountability:

“Civic expression encompasses the right to voice opinions on social, political and economic issues. It is central to a functioning democracy and important for many reasons including empowering citizens to influence public policy, governance participation and reforms advocacy.”

The lawyer didn’t mince words when addressing the elephant in the room – impunity. She described it as a cancer eating away the fabric of African societies

“The failure to hold violators of human rights accountable is a regional and continental concern. The absence of legal consequences for individuals, groups or institutions responsible for acts such as corruption, torture, extrajudicial killings or abuse of power not only undermines the rule of law but impinges on the effectiveness of justice systems.”

Ballason’s speech took on a more personal and impassioned tone as she reflected on the current state of leadership in Africa:

“Today our leaders have been paralytically hit by individualism, avarice and corruption. They take more pride in living above the Law and putting others beneath it. Even our regional Court suffers from the impunity of our leaders whose compliance with judgments are in breach than in compliance.”

Despite the grim picture, the lawyer offered hope and a call to action. She proposed several “organic remedies” to address the challenges facing media freedom and civic expression in Africa:

1. Ethical media reporting that transcends national boundaries and sets an agenda for deepening democracy.
2. Making corruption and misuse of public funds obsolete through collective resistance and higher leadership standards.
3. Ensuring state compliance with regional court decisions in good faith.
4. Fostering regional unity and solidarity that translates into tangible development.

Ballason concluded her speech with a rallying cry for action and optimism:

“We must organize more than agonize. We must, in the words of Patrice Lumumba, never doubt for a moment the triumph that can result from the sacred cause of history’s trust. We must grease our atrophied hope with action and positivity. A region of our dreams is possible.”

As the applause died down in the Mensvic Grand Hotel, the gravity of Ballason’s words hung in the air. Her speech not only highlighted the challenges facing media freedom and civic expression in Africa but also charted a course for a brighter, more democratic future. The gathered activists and lawyers left the event with renewed determination to turn her words into action, carrying the torch of freedom and accountability across the continent.

Police Fire on Hunger Protesters in Nyanya

According to reports, police personnel assigned to protect the rights of protesters have allegedly opened fire on the demonstrators in Nyanya.

The Middle Belt Times has learned that the protesters, defying threats from the FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, who stated that the FCT would not be available for the protest, gathered in large numbers to participate in the demonstration.

The protest, which commenced at approximately eight o’clock in the morning, turned violent after the police fired gunshots in an attempt to disperse the protesters.

The Middle Belt Times is unable to confirm whether any protesters were injured or killed by the police during the incident.