Nasir el-Rufai: The Bloodlust of a Presidential Wannabe

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

IN the week in which former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai abandoned the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to chart a different political trajectory with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), his son, Bashir, characteristically made it known that “Southern Kaduna residents will keep seeing sheghe if they continue to attack indigenous Fulani herdsmen.”

Three things about this, among many, were chilling. One is the absence of any interest in addressing the underlying problem of coexistence between communities. The second is the enthusiastic investment in violence. The third is the indiscriminate nature of the promised violence. This was not the first time an outburst of candour from the El-Rufai clan was laced with unconcealed thirst for human blood.

In January 2019, as the country prepared to go to the polls in a presidential election the following month, the administration of Nasir el-Rufai’s political benefactor, Muhammadu Buhari, guillotined then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen. The manner and timing of the decision drew very sharp international rebuke. In response, Governor el-Rufai went on National television to warn that any foreign observers perceived as meddling in the elections “will go back in body bags.” As influential continental news magazine, Africa Report, delicately put it, these were the words of a man who had “previous ‘anti-meddling’ approach to diplomacy.”

This “‘anti-meddling’ approach to diplomacy” appears to be a family investment. Abubakar Idris was a committed supporter of former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who lived in Barnawa, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State. From there Mr. Idris, better known as “Dadiyata”, engaged in vigorous criticisms of the ruling APC, one of whose founders happened to be Nasir el-Rufai.

On or about 2 August 2019, Dadiyata vanished. He has not been seen since then. A digital visibility campaign to help locate his whereabouts continues under the hashtag #WhereIsDadiyata. Four and a half months after Dadiyata disappeared, on 23 December 2019, Bashir el-Rufai ominously tweeted: “The same clowns who encouraged him when he was creating false stories and capitalising on lies that could endanger lives solely for political ends are the same individuals trending hashtags asking #WhereisDadiyata. Dangerous lies in the public space have consequences.”

Less than three months later, on 11 March 2020, Bashir’s brother, Bello, currently a member of the House of Representatives, went one better with an even more chilling gloat in poor verse: “The things that we’ve done to protect the name are unsettling. But no regrets though, the name will echo. Years later, none greater. Death to a coward and a traitor, that’s just in my nature!”

At his inauguration as Kaduna State governor in May 2015, Nasir el-Rufai identified insecurity as “an obstacle to progress” and promised to “work with law enforcement officials to drastically reduce violent crime” and  “ensure safety of life and limb.” By the time he left office eight years later, he had achieved the exact opposite.

Forgetting this promise, Nasir el-Rufai as Governor brooked no criticism or opposition. No cruelty was considered beyond the pale for them. For daring to disagree with him, el-Rufai demolished the homes of the Zonal vice-chair of his party, Inuwa Abdulkadir; and of his Senator for Kaduna North, Suleiman Hunkuyi. 

He was only just beginning. His regime compiled a jaw-dropping list of body bags. Some, like Dadiyata, disappeared, never to be seen again. Others, like Maiwada Raphael Galadima, Agwam Adara III, paramount ruler in Kajuru, turned up dead or decapitated. The Agwam Adara was ostensibly returning home from a consultation with the state government on a crisis in his domain when he was abducted. His wife, abducted with him, was released after the abductors murdered her husband. The Governor was missing from Agwam’s funeral. After his burial, Nasir el-Rufai swiftly abolished his kingdom and purported to carve it into emirates.

Under Nasir el-Rufai and by appointment of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kaduna State attained “notoriety as the deadliest state for Journalists in Nigeria to operate.” They were not the only endangered species. The strategic research group, SBM Intelligence, concluded also that “Kaduna was the most dangerous state for priests, who were often kidnapped during services.”

The governor’s signal accomplishment was to displace Boko Haram from the top of the league of atrocities. This was no easy feat. In May 2014, the United Nations Security Council listed the Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, (the Islamist insurgency better known as Boko Haram) as a terrorist organisation. Three years earlier, the Gaji Galtimari Presidential Committee on the Security Challenges in the North-East Zone of Nigeria had reported that the group “started as an innocuous non-violent group” around 2003.

Since then, Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram’s atrocities, habitually topped the national league table of mass-casualty killings in Nigeria. The monitoring coalition, Nigeria Mourns, reported a peak of 6,138 atrocity casualties in Borno State in 2015. Over the next five years, casualty count in Borno State appeared to drop off quite significantly.

Over 760 kilometres from the Borno State capital, Maiduguri, in Kaduna, the historical capital of northern Nigeria, it almost appeared as if the State government led by Nasir el-Rufai was envious of Borno’s position. In 2015, when Borno State hit the peak in atrocity killings, Nigeria Mourns recorded 411 casualties in Kaduna State. By 2020, the figure had risen to 628. In Borno State in the same year, the count was 1,176 killed.

In 2021, el-Rufai’s Kaduna State overtook Borno to take over the top position in the national body-count of mass-casualty atrocities. That year, Nigeria Mourns recorded 587 killed and 119 abducted in Borno State. In Kaduna State, it counted 1,114 killed and 1,225 abducted. In 2022, at least 1,346 people were abducted in Kaduna State. The comparable figure for Borno State was 77.

To be sure, Kaduna State had a well-advertised history of chronic violence dating back to the 1980s and accounting for tens of thousands killed over the period. Under Nasir el-Rufai however, virulent executive bigotry drove the state beyond the edge through methodical segregation. Leena Hoffman captured the depth of Kaduna’s crisis of sectarian segregation under the governor: “the river that runs through the city of Kaduna, the state capital, highlights the starkness of the divide: the northern half is unofficially called Mecca; the south, Jerusalem.”

The most intense site of chronic mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State was Southern Kaduna, which is characterised by linguistic and ethnic diversity coexisting with a high concentration of the State’s non-Muslim populations. For many people, there was only one explanation for the exponential spike in mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State – the State governor, Nasir el-Rufai. His administration was widely “accused of a conspiracy of silence” in support of the murderous campaign of extermination in Southern Kaduna.

In one of his earliest acts as governor, Nasir el-Rufai sought exculpation for bandit pastoralists from the chronic massacre in Southern Kaduna, claiming that he had already “spent government money to pay Fulani herdsmen to stop violence in southern Kaduna.” About the armed “bandits” who were to emerge as the fall guys for the violence, Governor el-Rufai later described them as “just collections of independent criminals. It is a business for them.”

When Mr. el-Rufai stepped down from office in 2023, mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna crashed spectacularly. Nigeria Mourns recorded 413 atrocity killings in Kaduna and 393 abductions. The only thing that appears to have occurred to bring about this transformation was a change in the occupant of the office of state governor.

In January 2017, an audio emerged in which he gloated over the untimely death in 2010 of former President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, his high school contemporary at Barewa College, Zaria on whom he had also visited unrestrained bile in his memoirs. Columnist, Farooq Kperogi, observes that Nasir el-Rufai “embodies one of the most morbidly toxic strains of political intolerance in Nigeria. He exteriorises his discomfort with opposition by literally wishing death upon his opponents or claiming credit for their death.”

Bloodlust such as this can never be slaked. Out of power today, el-Rufai seeks to re-brand himself as an ecumenical politician invested in pluralism. Those who make the mistake of jumping into political bed with him will have themselves to blame.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu 

Lere Natives Lampoon Hausa/Fulani Group For Disassociating Them from Southern Kaduna.

By: Isa Malami

The ethnic nationalities of Lere Local Government Area (LGA) of Kaduna State have come down strongly on a Hausa/Fulani group resident in the LGA after the group convened a press conference recently protesting the inclusion of Lere LGA as being part of Southern Kaduna, Kaduna State, Northwest Nigeria.
The natives of Lere who made their misgivings known throughout “Coalition of Concern Natives of Lere LGA” in a Press Statement made available to newsmen in Kaduna on Tuesday alleged that the Hausa/Fulani group was politically motivated with the sole aim of dividing the unity of Southern Kaduna.
Signed by Comrade Stephen Sale, Secretary of the Coalition and Comrade Engr. S.I Mori, acting Coordinator, Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU) Lere LGA Branch and others the statement reads:

“Our attention has been drawn to a Press Conference addressed by a group said to be Lere Local Government Unity Association Forum. One Barrister Nasiru Bello Dembo and his secretary Mallam
Ahmed Idris were signatories to the text of the Press conference which centered on the organizers of Southern Kaduna Cultural Festival (SKFEST) which ended on 28/12/2024 with a grand finale at the New Kafanchan Township Stadium

The group was angry that some political office holders from Lere LGA were tagged as members of “Southern Kaduna” in the program of the event which was jointly organised by SOKAPU, saying that it contradicted section 8, 48 and 72 of Nigeria’s Constitution. According to them, and rightfully so, Lere LGA is in Kaduna North Senatorial District. They therefore rejected the inclusion of Lere LGA in the geographical classification of “Southern Kaduna” and warned the organizers of the event to refrain from such publications to avoid causing confusion.
“They were obviously saying that our elected members mentioned in the text, who, ironically are not of Lere ethnicity, do not want to be associated with Southern Kaduna, and invariably us.
“We, the natives and owners of the land, as a Coalition hereby state the facts as below.

The term “Southern Kaduna” is made up of 12 LGAs. And that includes Lere (in Kaduna North Senatorial Zone).
Others are: Kajuru, Chikun, Kaduna South LGAs (both in Kaduna Central Senatorial Zone). The remaining are Kaura, Jemaa, Sanga, Zangon Kataf, Kagarko, Kachia, Kauru, Kachia LGAs (in Kaduna South Senatorial Zone).
This is to stress that “Southern Kaduna” is bigger than “Kaduna South Senatorial Zone.”
“Southern Kaduna” is a Geo-Socio/cultural enclave that’s defined by ethnography and ethnicity and is as old as the Iron Civilization of the Nok Terracotta dating back B.C.
According to the coalition Southern Kaduna is is totally different from “Kaduna South Senatorial Zone,” which is a recent geo-political demarcation created for the convenience of administration and representative democracy.

They added that the present Lere and Kauru LGAs used to be part of Saminaka LGA up till 1989 and the old Saminaka LGA was part of the Senatorial District of old Kachia LGA, comprising the present Kachia, Chikun, Kajuru and Kagarko LGAs (the 2nd largest in Gen. Gowon’s Nigeria of 1967) ans old Jema’a LGA comprising present Jema’a, Kaura, Sanga and Jaba LGAs represented by Senator Jacob Madaki, a great Bajju man from Zonkwa (now, Late) 1st October 1979 – 30th September 1983 and 1st October 1983 – 31st December 1983 (when Gen. Muhammadu Buhari ousted the Democratically elected administration of NPN/President Shehu Shagari.

“Present Lere LGA was extracted from the old Saminaka LGA. The boundaries were so manipulated to constitute an electoral constituency, such that it favored the state’s northern power, which today constitutes the Northern Senatorial District,” alleged the natives of Lere.
“This was the same manipulation done to old Kachia LGA where Chikun and Kajuru LGAs were extracted and taken to Kaduna Central Senatorial District all with the aim of “dismembering” the Southern Kaduna peoples as a voting block and a voice. We remain resolved that :
“These have not, will not and cannot remove the Southern ‘Kadunaness’ from Southern Kaduna people whether in Lere, Kauru, Chikun, Kajuru, Kaduna South or ALL the other LGAs for that matter; it is a matter of the heart,” the coalition said.

“For the record, SOKAPU is a sociocultural association and the constitution of Nigeria guarantees freedom of association. We the ethnic nationalities of Lere LGAs have decided to join similar ethnicities of Southern Kaduna, what then is the headache of Lere Local Government Unity Association Forum, which does not have a single Lere native among it?” they observed.
“The leaderships of our various communities in Lere LGA that have over the decades registered with SOKAPU and have been participating in her activities include Amo, Piti, Kinugu, Anir’Arahgu (Kahugu), Akurmi, Gure, Dingi, Janji, Lemoro and Jere.
“We wonder why our membership to SOKAPU has made Barr. Idris’ group jittery, indeed, Southern Kaduna is our ancestry.

“For the record, we were the ones that elected these political leaders and since identifying with our kinsmen in Southern Kaduna is now an offense to a group, we now know better. Rewriting our history and or changing our ancestry is too late!” the statement said in conclusion.
Community Development Association Presidents from ten ethnic groups of Lere LGA also signed the statement.

The Punch’s Editorial on Southern Kaduna’s University: A Case of Selective Outrage and Hypocrisy

By Samuel Ateh Stephen

To the Editorial Board of The Punch:

Your editorial of January 7, 2025, titled “New Federal Varsity a Misnomer,” https://punchng.com/new-federal-varsity-a-misnomer/ is not just a misinformed critique; it is a glaring example of selective outrage and institutional bias against Southern Kaduna (SK). While you pride yourselves on being a voice for the voiceless, your editorial has instead chosen to silence a region that has been marginalized for decades. This is not journalism; it is complicity in the systemic neglect of Southern Kaduna.

A History of Marginalization Ignored

Southern Kaduna, a geo-cultural zone comprising 12 Local Government Areas (LGAs) and over 60 ethnic groups, has been systematically excluded from Nigeria’s development agenda. Despite contributing 51.2% of Kaduna State’s population (2006 Census) and occupying 56% of its landmass (26,000 sq. km), SK has only one federal institution—the Federal School of Statistics, Manchok, which offers only Higher National Diplomas (HNDs).

Meanwhile, Zaria, a single town in northern Kaduna, hosts 11 federal institutions, including Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology, and the National Research Institute for Chemical Technology. Recently, Zaria secured approval for four additional federal institutions, funded with N80 billion. Where was The Punch’s editorial outrage when this happened? Your silence was deafening.

The Hypocrisy of Selective Criticism

Your editorial dismisses the Federal University of Applied Sciences in Kachia as a “political move” and a “Greek gift.” Yet, you said nothing when Speaker Tajudeen Abbas secured N80 billion for four new federal institutions in Zaria, a town already saturated with federal institutions. Why the double standard? Why is it acceptable for Zaria to have 16 federal institutions but unacceptable for Southern Kaduna to have just one?

This selective criticism raises serious questions about your motives. Are you deliberately targeting Southern Kaduna, or are you simply unaware of the historical and geographical context? Either way, your editorial is a disservice to journalism and to the people of Southern Kaduna.

The Economic and Social Imperative

The establishment of the Federal University of Applied Sciences in Kachia is not just a development project; it is a lifeline for a region that has been systematically excluded from Nigeria’s progress. Universities are not just centers of learning; they are engines of economic growth. According to the World Bank, every dollar invested in higher education yields a return of $2.50 in economic growth. For Southern Kaduna, this university will:

Create Jobs: From academic staff to support services, the university will provide employment opportunities for thousands.

Boost Local Economies: The influx of students and staff will stimulate demand for housing, food, transportation, and other services.

Foster Innovation: As a university of applied sciences, it will focus on practical, technology-driven solutions to local challenges, such as agriculture, renewable energy, and healthcare.
Yet, instead of celebrating this milestone, you chose to attack it. Shame on you.

The Cost-Effective Advantage

Unlike many new federal universities, the Kachia institution will not require massive capital expenditure. It will utilize the existing infrastructure of Nok University, a privately built institution that was forfeited to the federal government. This means the cost to taxpayers will be minimal, making it a fiscally responsible decision. But instead of acknowledging this, you dismissed it as a “misnomer.” What exactly is misnomered about addressing decades of neglect in a cost-effective manner?

A Call for Accountability

Your editorial rightly criticized the underfunding and mismanagement of Nigerian universities, but you failed to address the root cause of these problems: systemic inequity. Southern Kaduna has been left behind for too long, and the approval of this university is a step toward correcting that injustice. Instead of opposing it, you should be advocating for more equitable distribution of federal institutions across Nigeria.

We call on The Punch to issue a public apology for this biased and dismissive editorial. You owe it to the people of Southern Kaduna, who have endured decades of neglect and marginalization. You also owe it to your readers, who expect fair and balanced reporting from a newspaper of your stature.

A Final Word

Southern Kaduna is not asking for special treatment; we are asking for fairness. The approval of the Federal University of Applied Sciences in Kachia is a step in the right direction, and we will not allow The Punch or anyone else to undermine it. This university is a symbol of hope for a region that has been left behind for too long, and we will defend it with everything we have.

We trust that The Punch will reflect on this editorial and recommit itself to the principles of fairness, equity, and justice. Until then, we will continue to hold you accountable for your words and actions.

Nigeria’s Chinese Lithium Connection

By IK Solomon Akwanga

Executive Summary: 

• Chinese processing plants drive illegal mining

• Process plants are not required to check that the source of the ore is from legal / licensed operations

• The illegal operations avoid payment of royalties to the Government

• The illegal operations do not comply with environmental protection requirements 

• The illegal operators kill, maim, and intimidate communities and farmers

• Local companies are a front for Chinese owners, often through other entities in Europe or other countries with respected environmental and mining credentials as a cover

• Legally licensed mining company operators are prevented from accessing their tenements by armed illegal operators

• Illegal operators have been found to be working with illegally obtained documentation purportedly authorizing their operations

• The illegal mining activities (get in – get out quick, never mind the environment) is preventing legitimate large-scale mining such as that seen in Australia, South Africa, Canada and South America which has underpinned the massive mineral wealth generation of those countries. Nigeria is missing out.

• Super wealthy Chinese industrialists in the battery manufacturing sector are behind the processing plants 

• No downstream processing (after basic concentrators) have been built in country yet, perhaps to protect the technology and avoid technology transfer to Nigeria.

Chinese backed locally incorporated companies are illegally mining in Nigeria in great numbers. Few are legally licensed to mine. Chinese groups are building lithium concentrators in several states. The demand for lithium ore for these concentrators fuels illegal mining, completely negating the efforts of Nigeria’s Department of Mines to stamp out illegal mining. 

Local Nigerians are often used by Chinese companies as a front for illegal mining. The ore from the illegal mining is trucked to the Chinese owned concentrators. The concentrator plant operator is not required to seek proof that the ore came from a mining lease authorized to mine lithium. The requirement for the ore provider to present a copy of the Mining Lease certificate licensed to mine Lithium from which the ore was sourced, akin to a bill of lading in the oil sector, would be a major step forward in regularizing lithium mining in Nigeria and curbing illegal operations. 

Allowing Chinese concentrator plants to accept illegally mined lithium ore fuels growing insecurity as the illegal operators most often have armed security. Farmers and local resident objecting to illegal activities on their land are intimidated and sometimes killed. In one case in Kaduna State the community voted to proceed with consent for a company that held a legal licence to explore the area owned by several farmers in the community rather than give consent to illegal operators. Within hours of giving consent to the company with legal title heavily armed thugs invaded the village, murdering the main community leader who advocated support for the legal title holder, machetteing another and kidnapping the daughter of yet another supporter of the licensed mining company. The legal holders of the exploration licence or mining lease are prevented from conducting work on their tenement by armed security supporting the illegal miners.

In September last year illegal mining activities at Kurebe and other surrounding villages in Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State were brought to light by Yakubu Mohammed writing for the Foundation for Investigative Journalism. Ibrahim Usman Adam, a kingpin in the  illegal mining activities was reported to be the site manager for Eso Terra, the Chinese mining company in the area. The Chinese investors behind the Nigerian front men have been accused of paying off terrorist groups to allow them to work mineral deposits where the licensed holders are prevented from working. 

Of course, the illegal operators show little regard for the environment. Their key concern is to mine the high-grade lithium as quickly as possible, before they may be required to cease work and retreat from the site. This means there is no reasonable mine plan with overburden dumped wherever is convenient, blocking waterways, and later requiring the legal holder of the tenement to undertake a major earth moving operation so that extensions or the orebody can be accessed and areas established to hold overburden and low-grade ore.

In Nigeria Chinese miners and processing plants are significantly under reporting the grades of lithium and failing to disclose Rare Earth Elements (REEs) in the lithium ore. The illegal miners are depriving the Federal Government of much needed revenue from mining royalties while leaving a trail of environmental destruction with an enormous cost to rehabilitate. With farmland and forest being lost to illegal miners often backed by Chinese companies there is little prospect of massive environmental damage being rehabilitated with the usefulness of this land lost to the Nigerian nation for many generations to come. 

Chinese companies running concentrators in Nigeria may have large processing capacities, but they are currently relying on supply of lithium ore from illegal miners.

But the major Chinese companies such as Ganfeng Lithium Industry Ltd. and Tianqi Lithium Industrial Ltd listed on the Shenzhen and Hong Kong stock exchanges that purport to be the big investors in these Nigerian ventures have nothing to do with the local Nigerian corporate entities controlled by Chinese nationals.

The Nigerian Ganfeng said it will make and sell lithium carbonate ready for the production of EV batteries. This is highly unlikely bearing in mind the cost of a lithium carbonate plant.

Similarly, CAMCE has been presented by Chinese nationals in Nigeria as the CAMC Engineering Co., Ltd. (CAMCE) affiliate to China National Machinery Industry Corporation (SINOMACH) which was established in May 2001 and was listed in Shenzhen Stock Exchange. CAMCE Nigeria turned out to be Zeyi International Trading Ltd, a locally incorporated company.

Another example of the local Nigerian front company for Chinese investors is Ajans Investment Nigeria Ltd with Lukeman Omuya, the Editor in Chief of Nigeria’s Rockpost mining magazine, as MD of Ajans. Ajans asserts they are building a lithium concentrator at Suleja, just north of Abuja, in Niger State, Nigeria. They contend they have the necessary licensing in place. There has been no confirmation of the proposal. They are in fact, owned by Tommerup Sustainable Geoming ApS, a Danish incorporated company (TSG Minerals.com) with Michael Bruun-Larsen as a Director. The Danish company is owned by Tommerup Minerals Ltd Hong Kong which in turn is owned by TSG Group China.

Avatar New Energy Materials Co., Ltd, chaired by Mr Hi Yongwei with Executive Director Zhu Xingjian, recently constructed a lithium concentrator in Nasarawa State announced by Governor Sule to have a 4,000 metric tons per day lithium processing.

Mr Zhen Hua Pei is also a big player in Nigeria’s critical minerals market. Mr Pei is the Chairman, Canmax Technologies Co., Ltd. He is the founder of Suzhou TA&A Ultra Clean Technology Co., Ltd. Mr Zhen Hua Pei currently holds the position of Chairman at Suzhou TA&A Ultra Clean Technology Co., Ltd. and Chairman for Yibin Tianyi Lithium Technology Innovation Co., Ltd. Mr Pei was listed at number 46 on China’s rich list in 2023.  His billion-dollar fortune stems from his holdings in Contemporary Amperex Technology (CATL), one of the world’s largest suppliers of batteries for electric vehicles. Mr Pei has announced plans to build a $200m lithium processing plant in Nigeria. 

In contrast to the vast Chinese interests in Nigeria’s lithium and other critical minerals, no other nation has built a lithium beneficiation plant in Nigeria and the Jupiter Project is the only large lithium deposit not dedicated to providing offtake of ore or lithium concentrate to Chinese companies.

In short, China has moved decisively to capture Nigeria’s lithium and rare earth elements. China currently processes 65 per cent of the world’s lithium, according to Benchmark Mineral Intelligence, a commodities data group.

Initially small Chinese operators sought to use Nigerian front companies, often installing Nigerians as office holders and front men. But as the size and high grade of Nigeria’s critical minerals became apparent large Chinese operators have moved in and overwhelmed the mining sector. 

How much is this costing the Nigerian nation? The five Chinese owned lithium concentrator plants currently operating have an estimated combined published cost of up to US$200m each which is highly inflated while the real cost likely not to exceed US$50m in total. They are designed to process a total of 25,000 tonnes of ore per day or approximately nine million tonnes of ore per annum. This would produce around 2.25m tonnes per annum of concentrate which in today’s market at around $1,000 per tonne is worth around US$2.25b per year. With a current 5% royalty, this level of production from a legitimate mining operation should result in a royalty payment to the government of US$112.5m annually.

It is estimated that large scale legal mining operations across the whole of Nigeria would be able to produce at least five times this amount annually.

However, with most of the lithium ore coming from illegal mining operations the expected royalty paid to the government is miniscule.

It is estimated that large scale legal mining operations across the whole of Nigeria would be able to produce at least five times this amount annually with the accompanying royalty payments to the federal government of billions of dollars annually.

And that’s just for Lithium. 

Chinese interest in minerals is not limited to lithium. Going out with the lithium concentrate from Nigeria and as yet unaccounted for are massive quantities of rare earth elements and other critical minerals with their own separate royalty payments being lost to the nation.

Meanwhile, China has moved to constrain world access to Rare Earth Elements (REE). Chinese authorities announced that, from 15 September 2024, they will restrict exports of antimony, a rare earth element used in products ranging from batteries to weapons, reputedly to safeguard China’s security and interests. This follows from China’s earlier export restrictions on lithium concentrate.

One of China’s largest mining companies, Sinomine, owns the world’s only two producing caesium mines … Canada’s Tanco mine and Zimbabwe’s Bikita mine, providing a strangle hold on global caesium supply.

Chinese companies run the majority of Zimbabwe’s mines but this has not yielded the expected gains for Zimbabwe.  Like Nigeria, Zimbabwe, which has Africa’s large lithium reserves, imposed a ban on export of lithium ore, imposing a requirement for mining companies to set up processing plants to convert the lithium ore to concentrate before export in order to generate local jobs and revenue. Chinese-owned companies including Huayou, Sinomine Resource Group, Chengxin Lithium Group, Yahua Group, and Canmax Technologies have spent more than $1 billion acquiring and developing lithium projects in Zimbabwe. Little of that wealth has flowed into structural improvements in Zimbabwe’s economy.

After buying the Arcadia mine in Zimbabwe from Prospect Resources for $422 million in 2023 Chinese mining company  Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt commissioned a $300 million lithium concentrator which has the capacity to process around 450,000 metric tons of lithium concentrate annually. Under Zimbabwean law the refined lithium can then be exported for further processing into battery-grade lithium outside Zimbabwe. Where does it go …. China of course.

Is this where Nigeria is heading?

Ayodeji Adeyemi, special assistant to Nigeria’s mines and steel development minister said, “Our new mining policy demands that you add some value to raw mineral ores, including lithium, before you export.” Like Chinese operations in Zimbabwe, the lithium concentrate is shipped to China.

However, China, which controls the world’s critical minerals supply chain, is ideally placed to reap benefits in these situations, because several Chinese owned companies have recently completed processing plants in Nigeria. But will there be the technology transfer much desired by Nigeria?

In December 2023, China banned the export of technology to make rare earth magnets, adding it to an existing ban on technology to extract and separate the critical materials. Nigeria is mistaken if it thinks there will be a technology transfer from China to Nigeria in anything but the most basic and mundane processes.

China currently dominates global critical mineral supply chains, accounting for 60 percent of world-wide production and 85 percent of processing capacity. But there is little evidence that China’s dominance in the sector has been beneficial to the African nations that host the minerals. China’s contract concessions are typically opaque and heavily tilted toward Beijing. In May 2023 DRC President Felix Tshisekedi visited Beijing, following in the footsteps of the delegations from Sierra Leone, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Gabon. The DRC President was seeking to overhaul and seal a lopsided $6 billion infrastructure-for-minerals deal with Chinese leader Xi Jinping. In place since 2008, the deal has sent billions in minerals to Beijing, but little infrastructure for the DRC has materialized in return. The Chinese-owned and operated mines certainly escape the international requirements for environmental mitigation and worker safety.

Extraction of critical minerals is only the start. China has moved along the value chain to capture the refining and processing of these minerals before export to China where the balance of the value chain is completed. Ideally, Western nations could work with African nations to form a critical mineral supply chain free of Chinese influence. But Western nations are slow starting and clawing back China’s head start would be hard. Zimbabwe is likely a lost cause. Nigeria is on the cusp of being captured by China. Nigeria’s President Tinubu will travel to Beijing in September at the invitation of President Xi. Will President Tinubu hand over Nigeria’s minerals wealth as Zimbabwe has done. Nigeria among other African nations has decried the colonial era with the wholesale export of Africa’s natural resources with little benefit to the African nations. Are we seeing history repeated with “Euro” replaced by “Sino” or “Western” replaced by “Eastern” plundering of Africa’s natural resources?

IK Solomon is a Mining enthusiast and Public affairs commentator. He lives in Akwanga, Nasarawa State and could be reached on solomonkefas89@gmail.com

Unveiling the Growing Resentment Towards President Tinubu: An In-Depth Analysis

By Samuel Ateh Stephen
stevesam644@gmail.com

Introduction
President Tinubu of Nigeria has recently faced significant public backlash and protests characterized by intense resentment and dissatisfaction. This article delves into the reasons behind this widespread discontent, focusing on the underlying issues that have led to a polarized public sentiment.

The Core of the Issue: Mismanagement and Insensitivity
President Tinubu’s presidency has been marked by several controversial decisions and actions that have directly impacted the lives of ordinary Nigerians. The primary source of public resentment stems from the perceived worsening of their living conditions under his leadership, rather than political or electoral outcomes.

Economic Policies and Living Standards

1. Petrol Subsidy Removal and Its Impact

Immediate Economic Consequences: Rising Fuel Prices: The removal of petrol subsidies has led to a significant increase in fuel prices, affecting transportation costs and raising the prices of essential goods and services. This has made it increasingly difficult for Nigerians to maintain their standard of living.

Impact on the Poor and Middle Classes: The poor and middle classes, who spend a larger portion of their income on basic necessities, have been disproportionately affected. Many are struggling to afford even the most essential items, leading to a decline in their quality of life.

Long-term Economic Implications:

Fund Allocation: The government’s intention to free up funds for other areas of the economy through subsidy removal has not been transparent or effectively communicated, leading to a loss of trust in the government’s economic policies.

Economic Stability: The sharp increase in fuel prices has contributed to economic instability, with higher inflation rates eroding the value of salaries and savings, creating a sense of economic uncertainty.

2. Inflation and Cost of Living

Erosion of Purchasing Power:
Minimum Wage Increase by Tinubu: In 2024, President Tinubu increased the national minimum wage for federal workers in Nigeria to 70,000 Nigerian naira (NGN), which equaled about 44 U.S. dollars based on the current exchange rate. However, this increase did not match the rate of inflation, leading to a decline in real purchasing power.

Comparison to Previous Wage: Prior to Tinubu’s presidency, in 2023, the minimum wage was N30,000, which equaled 65 U.S. dollars at the exchange rate of 460.702 (USD/NGN) in May 2023. Despite the nominal increase in the minimum wage, the real value had diminished due to inflation and a weakening currency.

Impact on Living Standards: The increased minimum wage has not kept pace with inflation, leaving many households financially strained. The cost of basic goods and services has risen sharply, making it increasingly difficult for average Nigerians to afford even the most essential items. This has led to a decline in the overall quality of life for many Nigerians.

Poverty and Inequality:
The combination of high inflation and stagnant wages has exacerbated poverty and income inequality. Many Nigerians are finding it increasingly challenging to cover their basic needs, leading to a sense of desperation and frustration. The gap between the rich and the poor has widened, contributing to social unrest and dissatisfaction with the government.

Healthcare and Education:
The rising cost of living has also affected access to essential services like healthcare and education. Many families are now forced to make difficult choices between meeting their basic needs and investing in their health and education. This has led to a decline in the overall quality of life for many Nigerians.

Social Safety Nets:
The lack of effective social safety nets has further compounded the problem. Vulnerable populations, including the elderly, the unemployed, and those living in poverty, are particularly affected. The government’s failure to provide adequate support has left these groups in a precarious situation, deepening the sense of economic insecurity.

Government Expenditure and Priorities (Luxurious Spending)

Presidential Jet: The purchase of a $150 million presidential jet has been widely criticized as an extravagant and insensitive move, especially given the economic hardships faced by the public.

First Lady’s Office: The allocation of billions of naira for the office of the First Lady has also fueled public anger, as these funds could have been better utilized to improve public services and infrastructure.

Pilgrimage Funding: The budget of 90 billion naira for pilgrimage, described as a “fruitless pilgrimage,” has been criticized as wasteful, especially considering the pressing needs of the Nigerian population.

Lack of Empathy and Communication

Inconsiderate Actions:
The president’s decisions, such as using 21 billion naira to renovate the residence of his vice president, have been seen as inconsiderate and wasteful, further alienating the public.

Poor Communication:
President Tinubu’s failure to directly address the public and explain his policies has deepened the sense of mistrust and frustration. The use of intermediaries to communicate with the public has been perceived as a lack of genuine concern and engagement.

Public Protests and the Call for Change
The public protests against President Tinubu are not merely symbolic; they represent a collective demand for better governance and a more compassionate leadership. Nigerians are voicing their discontent through demonstrations, highlighting their struggles and calling for immediate action to improve their living conditions.

The Way Forward: Rebuilding Trust and Addressing Core Issues
To regain public trust and stabilize his presidency, President Tinubu must take concrete steps to address the root causes of the public’s discontent. This includes:

Revisiting Economic Policies: Re-evaluating the removal of petrol subsidies and finding more equitable ways to manage the economy, ensuring that the benefits trickle down to the masses.

Prioritizing Public Welfare: Redirecting government spending towards critical sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, which directly impact the quality of life for Nigerians.

Enhancing Communication and Transparency: Engaging more openly with the public, explaining policy decisions, and listening to their concerns. Transparency in governance can help rebuild trust and foster a more collaborative relationship between the government and its citizens.

Conclusion
The level of resentment towards President Tinubu is a reflection of the deep-seated economic and social challenges facing Nigeria. It underscores the urgent need for a leadership that is responsive, empathetic, and committed to the welfare of its people. By addressing these core issues and working towards a more inclusive and equitable society, President Tinubu can begin to mend the fractured relationship with the Nigerian public and steer the nation towards a brighter future.

Beyond the Backlash: Unpacking Kenneth Okonkwo’s Critical Insights on Peter Obi’s Leadership

By Samuel Ateh Stephen
stevesam644@gmail.com

In the wake of Kenneth Okonkwo’s public expression of concerns about Peter Obi’s leadership and vision, many were quick to pounce on his statements, often without delving deeply into the substance of his criticisms. Okonkwo, a notable figure within the Labor Party, found himself under immediate scrutiny and, in some cases, outright attack for voicing his reservations.

Here Are The Key Concerns Raised by Kenneth Okonkwo Regarding Peter Obi From Interview On Arise News:

Lack of Decisiveness: Okonkwo believes that Peter Obi has not been decisive enough in handling the internal issues within the Labor Party. Specifically, he points to the failure of the National Working Committee (NWC) to organize an all-inclusive convention, despite Obi’s public declaration that the convention should not hold. Okonkwo feels that Obi should have taken more forceful action to address this issue, such as coming down decisively against the NWC for disobeying his instructions.

Building a Strong Political Party: Okonkwo is concerned that Peter Obi does not place a high enough priority on building a strong and broad-based political party. He argues that in order to compete effectively against an incumbent in future elections, the Labor Party needs to be consolidated and strengthened. Okonkwo believes that Obi’s approach does not sufficiently emphasize the importance of a robust political platform.

Integration of the Obedient Movement: Okonkwo is disappointed that Peter Obi does not see the strategic value in integrating the Obedient Movement, a group of supporters, into the Labor Party. He believes that bringing these supporters into the party would significantly strengthen it and create a more formidable political force. Okonkwo advocates for this integration as a way to solidify the party’s base.

Approach to Electoral Challenges: Okonkwo has expressed concern over Peter Obi’s approach to dealing with electoral challenges, such as alleged vote rigging and other forms of electoral malpractice. He believes that Obi’s tendency to be “sweet” and non-confrontational may not be effective in fighting against these injustices. Okonkwo feels that a more aggressive stance is necessary to combat electoral fraud and ensure that the party’s victories are secured.

Resistance and Protest: Okonkwo feels that Obi’s nature does not align with the need for strong resistance and protest against the current political order. He advocates for a more aggressive stance to combat the perceived kleptocracy and corruption in Nigerian politics.

Leadership Style: Okonkwo has noted a difference in temperament and leadership style between himself and Obi. He describes Obi as a “sweet man” who wants to appear sweet to everyone, while Okonkwo believes in a balance of sweetness and firmness to prevent being taken advantage of.
Vision for Nigeria: Okonkwo is concerned that Obi’s vision for Nigeria does not include the necessary steps to build a solid political foundation. He believes that solving Nigeria’s problems requires more than just addressing symptoms; it requires a strong political party to support and sustain any positive changes.

While Kenneth Okonkwo’s public critique of Peter Obi’s leadership and vision sparked immediate controversy, a closer examination of his concerns reveals a thoughtful and strategic perspective on the future of the Labor Party and Nigeria. The initial backlash, often dismissive and reactive, overshadowed the nuanced issues Okonkwo raised, which touch on the core of effective governance, party strength, and national progress.

Arise O Compatriots Vs Nigeria We Hail Thee

By Gloria Mabeiam Ballason Esq

It is difficult to wrap the head around how Nigeria’s leadership lines up its priorities. On a day when the President should give account of his 1-year stewardship what he opts for is to take Nigeria back to its old anthem- a colonial relic that abrogates an anthem written and compiled by a Nigerian.

If you read that as neo-colonialism that may be one tangent to view it but for those who read the Holy creed, it is reminiscent of the Israelites craving for the
garlic and onions of the land of their oppression in exchange of the Promised land.

The stats are even more dire when the facts run up to the President's action:

Nigeria’s inflation rate now stands at about 35.20%, the U.S. inflation is 3.36% yet their citizens are screaming hoarse.

Dollar to naira in 1999 was $1: N88. In May 2023 when President BAT took over it was $1: 460.72. Today it is $1: N1400.

Nigeria’s Human Rights record is nothing to write home about. 735 Mass abductions have occurred in the past year and an estimated 4,777 Nigerians have been kidnapped since President BAT’s assumption to office.

In this moment, the National Assembly has not done enough to demonstrate the checks it is putting up against the Executive to ensure the people get their due. The Judiciary is regrettably struggling with judicial independence and multiple conflicting orders.

The Bill to return Nigeria to its old colonial anthem is one of the swiftest to be signed into law. In other words, the President deemed it ‘more urgent and primary ‘ than security of lives, addressing human rights violations, stemming down inflation or judicial independence.

There are many things we could have gone back to:

• Better human rights record post 2009 where there were no terrorists bandits or kidnappers.
• Better economy, quality of education, national integration, health care, power supply that does not polarize the people between bands A-E.

If it weren’t so sad and unfortunate, it would have been bizarre.

Olusola O’sola Fapohunda puts it to a case of a landlord whose house has leaking roof, blown off electricals, septic tanks spewing and smelling, decking, doors and windows off with an emerging storm threatening to crash down the house but who drives by and sits in his air conditioned car, inspects it and recommends the house be painted as the fix.

My cerebral learned friend Fidel Albert Esq puts it even more graphically when he said: the cancer patient rejected chemotherapy and opted for BBL.

An anthem change does not fix an ailing nation. National symbols do not shape a country. The intentional policies and actions of leaders in nation building is what builds a nation.

 Gloria Mabeiam Ballason Esq is the C.E.O. House of Justice. She may be reached on gloriaballason@houseofjusticeng.com

Why Fulani Vigilante in Nasarawa Cannot Work!

By

Felix Baba, Lafia

The plan to set up a Nomad Vigilante Group by Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore in Nasarawa State under the guise of curtailing cattle rustling, is a diversion being orchestrated in active connivance with a top security aide of President Tinubu.

The Aggressor seldom finds solutions to the aggression!! It’s a general feeling in Nasarawa State that the kidnappers and bandits, who are mainly from the Fulani ethnic stoke, either local or international, are being invited, sheltered, protected and covered to perpetrate their heinous crimes across the Middle Belt and Southern Kaduna.

The motive behind such a devious plan of hoisting a Fulani security outfit is to foster a Fulani hegemony across Nasarawa State and by extension the Middle Belt through the campaign of terror and bloodletting.

Ordinarily, the leaders of Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore were supposed to have been arrested and prosecuted long time ago for their utterances in defence of the kidnappers and killers of our people but here they are, colluding with Tinubu’s top security aide, to provide a layer of cover for murderers and kidnappers, which is motivated purely for self preservation and political conquest.

We call on the government, relevant institutions and people of good conscience to rise up and defeat this evil machinations of the Fulani in Nasarawa State, who have practically turned our state into the haven and launch pad of terrorism and banditry across the Middle Belt.

We also call out the security aide who despite holding one of the highest offices in the land, is supporting such an adventure that is designed to displace the people and take over their lands in keeping with the Fulani expansionist agenda.

May the Ministry of Steel Development not live by its Homophone —say Amen 

By Shalom Kasim

In the wake of recent scandals involving the Ministries of Humanitarian Affairs and Interior, a looming potential risk emerges with the Ministry of Steel Development. While there’s no current evidence of malfeasance within the steel sector, the prospect of this key ministry collaborating with counterparts under investigation raises significant concerns about the integrity of the government’s economic agenda.

President Tinubu’s vision for a revitalized steel development industry as a catalyst for economic growth (as earlier announced by his singing bird) is commendable. However, the timing of the Ministry of Steel Development’s involvement, amidst ongoing scandals, demands a closer examination of the potential risks that could unfold.

As the government pursues partnerships with foreign companies, such as the Chinese Luan Steel Holding Group and the Indian Jindal Steel Group, the influx of billions of dollars into Nigeria’s steel sector presents both opportunities and dangers. The lack of transparency and accountability in the Ministries of Humanitarian Affairs and ‘ Interior serves as a warning that we should not act deaf to, emphasizing the urgent need for robust oversight mechanisms in the steel industry.

The collaboration between these ministries, tainted by allegations of financial impropriety, poses a threat to the very economic growth the government aims to achieve. The potential for corruption, embezzlement, and mismanagement of funds in the steel sector could jeopardize not only foreign investments but also the livelihoods of thousands of Nigerians who stand to benefit from job opportunities in this critical industry.

Nigerians must remain vigilant and demand proactive measures to safeguard the Ministry of Steel Development from succumbing to the pitfalls witnessed in other government departments. President Tinubu’s commitment to transparency and accountability should extend to the steel sector, ensuring that every dollar invested contributes to the nation’s economic growth rather than lining the pockets of a select few.

While the Ministry of Steel Development may currently be free from scandal, the risks lie in its collaboration with tainted counterparts. As citizens, we cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the potential dangers that may lurk beneath the surface. Let this serve as a warning, urging the government to implement stringent measures to protect the nation’s economic interests and restore public confidence in the face of ongoing challenges.

We are not pessimists. We are just Nigerians who knows their country.

Kasim is a public affairs commentator, a poet and a journalist. He writes from Wukari, Taraba state, Middle Belt Nigeria.

Middle Belt: A Region of Rich History & Unique Identity

By

Kingsley Gadani

The Middle Belt of Nigeria, often referred to as the “Middle Belt Region,” is a diverse and historically significant part of the country. Encompassing a vast expanse of land. This region has played a crucial role in the socio-cultural and political tapestry of Nigeria.

The history of the Middle Belt is rich and multifaceted, shaped by various ethnic groups, migrations, and interactions. Historically, the Middle Belt has been home to a mosaic of ethnicities, including the Berom, Tiv, Idoma, Nikyob, Ninzom, Nupe, Gbagyi, Atyap,Egede, Igala, Bassange, Siyawa, Afizare, Chawai, Adara, Bajju, Ham, Eggon, Mada, Gwong, Gure, and many others. These groups have distinct languages, traditions, and cultural practices that have contributed to the region’s unique identity.

The geographical location of the Middle Belt, sandwiched between the predominantly Muslim North and the largely Christian South, has further influenced its cultural and religious diversity. The belt cut across Southern Bauchi, Southern Borno, Gombe, Adamawa, Southern Kaduna, Niger, Southern Kebbi and the entire central parts of present-day Nigeria. The people of the Middle Belt practice various religions such as Islam, Christianity and African Traditional religions (ATRs). The region is adjudged one of the most hospitable regions in Nigeria which informed its accommodating nature to all other Nigerians from different parts of the country. One unique feature of the people of the Middle Belt is their way of life. Style of farming, mode of dressing, hair styles, marriage and other traditional ceremonies follow similar pattern across the belt, lending credence to the argument that the people of the area are siblings from one ancestry.

The pre-colonial era saw the emergence of powerful kingdoms and chiefdoms in the Middle Belt. The Nok civilization, one of the earliest Iron Age cultures in West Africa, flourished in what is now Southern Kaduna and Plateau State. The Kororofo Kingdom is another powerful kingdom that reigns in the Middle in the pre-colonial era. These ancient societies engaged in agriculture, iron smelting, and artistic endeavours, leaving behind intricate terracotta sculptures that serve as archaeological treasures.   

The arrival of colonial powers in the late 19th century marked a transformative period for the Middle Belt. The British administration, in its quest to establish control and facilitate trade, introduced indirect rule, relying on local chiefs and traditional institutions. This strategy often exacerbated existing tensions between different ethnic groups, as the colonial authorities favoured certain communities over others.

Post-independence, the Middle Belt continued to experience social and political dynamics. The region has witnessed episodes of communal and ethnic tensions, partly fuelled by competition for resources, political power, and religious differences. The quest for autonomy and self-determination has been a recurring theme, with various groups advocating for recognition and representation.

The Middle Belt has also played a significant role in Nigeria’s political landscape. Several prominent political figures have emerged from the region, contributing to the country’s military, governance, and development. However, political instability and challenges persist, reflecting the complex interplay of factors within the region. In recent times, issues such as killings of genocidal proportion blamed on armed Fulani herdsmen, resource competition, and ethno-religious tensions have brought the Middle Belt to the forefront of national discourse. The region’s strategic importance, both geographically and culturally, underscores the need for sustainable solutions to address historical grievances and foster inclusive development.

In conclusion, the history of the Middle Belt of Nigeria is a captivating narrative of diversity, cultural richness, and resilience. Shaped by ancient civilizations, colonial influences, and contemporary challenges, the region continues to evolve, contributing significantly to the mosaic of Nigeria’s identity. Understanding the historical complexities of the Middle Belt is crucial for fostering unity, addressing grievances, and building a more harmonious future for this vital part of the country.

Kingsley Gadani is a public affairs commentator, and researcher. He writes from Kaduna Nigeria